FOR  SALE  BY  M.  CABEY  ty  SON, 

(Price  three  dollars,} 

VINDICLflE  HIBKRNIC^E:  OR,  IRELAND  VINDICATED:  An 
attempt  to  develop  and  expose  a  few  of  the  multifarious  errors  and 
falsehoods  respecting  Ireland,  in  the  Histories  of  M;iy,  Temple, 
Whitlock,  Borlase,  Rushworth,  Clarendon,  Cox,  Carle,'  Leland, 
Wurner,  Macauley,  Hume,  and  others,  particularly  in  the  1, 
clary  Tales,  of  the  Conspiracy  and  Pretended  Massacre  of  1641. 
By'M.  CAREY. 

Extract  from  the  Jlnalectic  Magazine,  for  May,  1819,  page  417. 

"  Mr.  Carey  is  one  of  the  many  Irishmen,  that,  relinquishing-  the  endear- 
ments of  their  native  soil,  have  sought,  under  our  free  institutions,  an  en- 
joyment of  that  civil  liberty  and  unrestrained  exertion  of  honest  industry, 
which  the  tyranny  of  its  oppressors  denied  to  them  in  their  much  injured 
country  The  lapse  of  many  years,  since  he  has  been  a  citizen  of  the  Unit' 
od  States,  the  success  which  has  crowned  his  labours  in  an  arduous  occupa- 
tion, the  new  attachments  formed  by  him  during-  a  long  residence  among 
\is,  and  the  respectability  acquired  by  him  as  a  member  of  our  commuiiitv, 
have  not,  however,  had  the  power  to  obliterate  from  his  memory  ti:, 
of  his  fathers,  nor  to  chill  the  fervour  of  youthful  devotion,  imbibed  among 
the  scenes  of  his  boyhood,  towards  suffering  and  slandered  Ireland.  He  has, 
therefore,  been  induced  to  apply  his  moments  of  leisure  in  a  laborious  exa- 
mination of  some  of  the  calumnious  imputations  cast  upon  the  character 
of  that  nation  by  the  policy  or  malignity  of  the  British  historians.  And  by  a. 
patient  investigation  of  th.  sources  from  which  they  derive  their  facts,  and 
a  careful  collection  and  comparison  of  the  numerous  authorities,  has  been 
enabled  to  exhibit  to  the  work!,  in  this  publication,  a  most  interesting  and 
curious  picture  of  the  systematic  rapine  and  misrepresentation  which  the  Irish 
have  endured  at  the  hands  of  the  government  and  writers  of  Kngland  :  and, 
at  the  same  time,  a  conclusive  refutation  of  the  most  serious  and  most  injuri- 
ous charge  which  has  rested  on  the  national  character  of  Ireland. 

"  The  story  of  her  manifold  wrongs  has  been  so  often  told,  that  all  but  Irish- 
men are  tired  cf  the  theme;  and  her  sufferings  have  called  forth  so  much  of 
the  finest  eloquence,  both  of  verse  and  prose,  that  a  repetition  of  them  nov/ 
would  command  a  very  faint  attention. 

"  Mr.  C.  has  wisely  avoided  such  a  detail,  and  limited  himself  to  a  disquisi- 
tion on  a  few  prominent  circumstances,  relative  to  which  the  friends  of  Ire- 
land have  been  generally  silent  Nor  is  his  book  a  mere  querimonious  des- 
cant on  the  inhumanity  of  the  British  sway  in  that  country ;  it  is  an  indignant 
and  Impassioned,  but  certainly  a  most  convincing  argument,  to  prove  the 
falsity  of  certain  accusations  against  the  Irish  people,  which  have  been  so 
boldly  pronounced,  and  acquiesced  in  so  generally,  that,  at  first  view,  it 
seems  idle  now  to  controvert  them. 

"Clarendon,  Voltaire,  and  Anquetil,  besides  all  those  authors  of  less  note 

mentioned  in  the  title  page,  join  in  the  hue  and  cry  against  the  Irish.   Yet, 

strange  as  it  may  seem,  Mr  Carey  satisfactorily  establishes  these  remarkable 

positions— that  there  is  no  reason  to  believe  a  conspiracy  existed  for  a  ge- 

nsurrection  in  Ireland  on  the  twenty-third  of  October  1641 ;  still  less  a 

il   conspiracy  to  cut  the  throats  of  all  the  English  throughout  the 

whole  Jcingdom ;  and  that  the  stories  of  the  massacres  perpetrated  by  the 

Irish,  are  founded  on  the  most  palpable  falsehood  and  perjury.    He  further 

shews,  conclusively,  that  the  rebellion,  such  as  it  was,  far  from  being  iinpro 


voked,  was  exacted  by  a  system  of  treatment  in  the  greatest  degree  cruel 
and  unjust,  on  the  part  of  the  government,  arising  from  a  predetermined 
plan  to  despoil  the  unhappy  Irish  of  their  lawful  possessions. 

"  When  an  author  performs  such  service  to  the  cause  of  truth,  and  success- 
fully attempts  a  vindication  of  a  whole  people  from  calumnies,  strengthened 
by  the  acquiescence  of  nearly  two  centuries,  it  would  be  worse  than  hyper- 
criticism  to  quarrel  with  the  collocation  of  his  words,  or  the  cadence  of  his 
sentences. 

"  Polished  diction  undoubtedly  adds  charms  to  truth  ;  but  important  truths 
are  not  the  less  valuable  because  clothed  in  the  plainest  language.  We  shall 
not,  therefore,  enter  at  all  into  a  discussion  of  our  author's  style  ;  and  if  his 
frequent  use  of  strong  epithets  may  seem  to  evince  a  greater  degree  of  an- 
gry feeling  than  is  consistent  with  the  calmness  of  elegant  composition,  the 
theme  will  surely  be  allowed  to  supply  a  justification  for  even  warmer  in- 
dignation, i 

"  The  testimony  of  O'Conally,  and  the  proceedings  consequent  thereon, 
are  too  long  for  insertion.  But  it  is,  we  may  safely  say,  not  such  proof  as  any 
court  of  criminal  jurisdiction  in  our  country  -would  consider  sufficient  for  the  foun- 
dation of  a  conviction  for  the  most  trivial  crime. 

"  Such  is  really  the  character  of  the  information  pretended  to  be  given  by 
O'Conally ;  and  upon  the  contradictory  "ravings  of  this  besotted  wretch,  un- 
corroborated by  either  fact  or  testimony,  has  been  founded  the  imputation 
upon  the  whole  body  of  Irish  Catholics,  of  the  most  infernal  plot  of  which  civi- 
lized or  savage  man  was  ever  guilty. — And  yet  so  little  do  writers  of  history 
(so  called)  investigate  the  authorities,  that  the  veracity  of  this  informer  has 
never  before,  so  far  as  we  have  seen,  been  called  in  question.  To  every  stu- 
dent of  the  annals  of  Ireland,  therefore,  we  may  safely  recommend  the  work 
of  Mr.  Carey,  as  essential  to  a  right  understanding  of  her  story  :  unless,  in- 
deed, lie  be  willing  to  undergo  the  fatigue  of  perusing  that  huge  mass  of 
books  and  records,  from  which  Mr.  C.  has  selected  the  substance  of  his  Vin- 
dicix — And  even  to  such,  if  such  there  be,  this  book  would  be  a  most  useful 
guide  and  assistant." 

FOR  SALE  AS  ABOVE, 

(Price  half  a  dollar,} 

THREE  LETTERS  TO  MR.  GARNETT,  on  the  Present  Ca- 
lamitous State  of  Affairs.  By  M.  CAREY. 

Extract  from  the  Jlnalectic  Magazine,  for  March,  1820,  page  238. 

"  Mr.  Carey's  Three  Letters  are  worthy  the  attention  of  all  such  as  desire 
to  form  their  opinions  impartially  on  the  subject.  He  is  a  zealous,  a  persever- 
ing, and  an  able  advocate.  He  has  written  much  and  thought  much  on  this 
question  :  and  his  writings  have  the  advantage  of  being  free  from  the  crude- 
ness  and  looseness,  as  to  statistics,  that  impair  the  value  of  so  many  produc- 
tions of  less  experienced  champions  on  either  side. 

"  An  answer  to  these  Letters,  and  to  the  Addresses  of  the  Philadelphia 
Society,  made  not  hastily  and  heedlessly,  but  after  careful  research,  and  in  a 
style  of  sober  argument,  is  an  undertaking  wortjiy  the  ambition  of  the  ablest 
among  the  opponents  of  manufactures  ;  until  such  appear,  the  palm  of  logic 
rests  with  Mr.  Carey  and  his  co-labourers." 


(Price  three  dollars,} 

THE  POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH :  OR,  FAULTS  ON  BOTH 
SIDES — FEDERAL  AND  DEMOCRATIC.  A  Serious  Appeal  on  the  ne- 
cessity of  Mutual  Forgiveness  and  Harmony. 


RECOMMENDATIONS. 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  James  Madison,  Esq.  President  of  the  United  States. 

Washing-ton,  January  28,  1815. 

"  I  have  not  been  able  at  yet  to  do  more  than  glance  at  the  plan  of  the 
work,  and  run  over  a  few  of  its  pages.  The  course  adopted  of  assembling 
authentic  and  striking  facts,  and  addressing  them  impartially  and  indepen- 
dently, but  with  becoming  emphasis,  to  the  attention  of  the  public,  was  best 
fitted  to  render  it  a  valuable  and  seasonable  service  :  and  it  appears  that  the 
success  of  your  labours  will  well  reward  the  laudable  views  with  which  it 
was  undertaken." 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Thomas  Jefferson,  Esq.  ex-president  of  the  United  States* 

Monticello,  Feb.  9,  1815. 

"  I  thank  you  for  the  copy  of  the  Olive  Branch  you  have  been  so  kind  as 
to  send  me.  .Many  extracts  from  it,  which  I  had  seen  in  the  newspapers, 
had  excited  a  wish  to  procure  it.  A  cursory  view  over  the  work  has  con- 
firmed the  opinion  excited  by  the  extracts,  that  it  will  do  great  good.'* 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  W.  Sampson,  Esq. 

New  York,  Feb.  15,  1815. 

«'  I  have  read  your  Olive  Branch  ;  and  I  can  now  express  my  sincere  satis- 
faction. I  must  ofU T  you  my  best  compliments  upon  a  production,  which 
breathes  the  sentiments  of  pure  and  manly  patriotism." 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  the  if  on.   U'm.   Kimtis,  Esq.  noiv  minister  of  the   United 
States  in  Holland. 

Boston,  Nov.  16,  1814. 

"The  Olive  Branch  is  certainly  calculated  to  do  great  good.  It  bears,  as 
you  observe,  the  marks  of  rapidity  : — but  it  is  the  rapid,  rectilineal  course 
of  an  enlightened  mind,  directed  by  strong  common  sense." 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  Richard  /  now  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of 

t/t<-  United  States  at  the  Court  of  St.  James's. 

Washington,  April  28,  1815. 

R.  R.  has  been  free  to  declare  upon  all  occasions,  and  the  sentiment  is 
now  still  further  strengthened,  that  he  thinks  the  country  owes  Mr.  C.  a 
very  targe  debt  for  the  patriotic,  the  zealous,  and  the  intelligent  efforts  of 
his  pen  during  the  late  struggle  ;  for  his  energetic,  spirited,  yet  candid  de- 
fence of  public  principles  und  public  measures;  for  his  just  exposition  of 
our  institutions;  for  his  discriminating  and  indefatigable  selection  of  authen- 
tic documents  illustrative  of  our  history,  and  the  forcible,  perspicuous,  and 
unanswerable  commentaries  which  he  has  superinduced  upon  them.  II.  It. 
places,  at  a  very  high  rate,  the  share  which  Mr.  Carey's  publications  have 
had  in  serving  to  rescue  us  from  danger,  and  to  secure  our  triumphs ;  and 
IK-  anticipates  in  the  mass  of  truth  which  they  have  diffused  throughout  the 
Union,  effects  from  them  of  further  and  more  lasting  benefit." 

"  There  is  perhaps  no  book  extant,  that  in  so  small  a  compass  contains  so 
great  a  quantity  of  momentous  political  truth.  Like  the  two-edged  sword,  said 
to  have  been  wielded  by  the  angel  of  light  against  "  Satan  and  his  angels,"  it 
dispels  and  puts  to  flight  an  army  of  error  and  falsehood." — Weekly  Register, 
vol.  vii.  page  371. 


(Price  50  cents,} 

ADDRESSES  OF  THE  PHILADELPHIA  SOCIETY  FOR 
THE  PROMOTION  OF  NATIONAL  INDUSTRY. 


Extract  from  the  American  Farmer. 

"Had  we  anticipated  the  masterly  and, patriotic  addresses  of  the  Phila- 
delphia Society  for  the  promotion  of  National  Industry,  before  the  publica- 
tion of  our  first  No  ,  we  should  gladly  have  remained  silent — We  should 
have  blushed  to  speak  on  subjects  to  be  simultaneously  discussed  in  a  manner 
far  transcending-  our  ability.  And  now,  could  we  know  that  all  the  readers 
of  the  American  Farmer  would  peruse  the  Nos.  of  those  excellent  ad- 
dresses, no  more  of  our  comparatively  trifling-  essays  would  appear.  But 
our  belief  to  the  contrary,  and  the  expectation  which  may  have  been  justly 
excited,  must  be  our  apology  for  continuing-  our  Nos.  We  are  happy  to  find 
in  what  we  have  seen  of  that  grand  production,  some  notions  which  we  had 
conceived,  fully  confirmed,  and  we  hope  not  a  little  praise  maybe  rendered 
to  its  author,  if  some  of  the  bright  rays  which  have  been  shed  on  ourselves, 
should  be  occasionally,  but  faintly,  reflected  upon  our  readers.'? 


Extract  of  a  letter  from  John  -Adams,  Esq.  ex-president,  to  the  Editors  of  the  Ma- 
intfacturers  and  Farmers'1  Journal. 

"The  gentlemen  of  Philadelphia  have  published  a  very  important  volume 
upon  the  subject,  which  1  recommend  to  your  direful  perusal." 


Extract  of  an  address  from  Benjamin  Austin,  Esq. 

«'« This  subject  has  produced  researches,  which  demonstrate  the  abundant 
resources  of  our  country,  and  the  practicability  of  accomplishing  those  im- 
portant objects,  (the  establishment  of  national  manufactures)  with  the  aid 
of  government.  Among  the  foremost,  the  Philadelphia  Society,  for  the  pro- 
motion of  National  Industry,  is  entitled  to  our  thanks  for  their  perseverance 
in  tliis  national  and  laudable  pursuit." 

Extract  of  a  letter  from  General  Harrison,  to  the  publishers. 

"  I  should  be  wanting  in  candour  not  to  acknowledge,  that  I  have  been 
converted  to  my  present  principles  in  favour  of  Manufactures,  by  the  lumi- 
nous views  upon  the  subject  which  have  been  published  by  your  Society. 
"  Yours,  &c.  W.  H.  HARRISON. 

"  Columbus,  Dec.  27, 1819." 


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H 


NATIONAL  INDUSTRY 

"  In  all  its  shapes  and  farms," 


PROTECTED. 

19.  Cordial  attachment  to  a 
good  government. 

18.  New  towns  springing  up. 

17.  General  prosperity. 

16.  Property  rising  in  value. 

15.  Debts  easily  collected. 

14.  Capital,  talent,  and  indus- 
try, sure  of  success. 

13.  Revenue  increasing. 

12.  Credit  preserved  at  home 
and  abroad. 

11.  Numerous  houses  build- 
ing. 

10.  Great  accession  of  immi- 
grants and  capital. 

9.  Bankruptcies  rare. 

8.  Poor  rates  diminishing. 

7.  Population  rapidly  increas- 
ing. 

6.  Early  and  numerous  mar- 
riages. 

5.  Every  person  able  and  wil- 
ling to  work  employed. 

4.  Industry  protected. 

3.  Moderate  importations. 

2.  Protecting  duties. 

1.  Prohibitions  of  what  can  be 
made  at  home. 


UNPROTECTED. 

31.  Disaffection  to  a  govern- 
ment regardless  of  the  suffer- 
ings of  its  citizens. 

30.  Monied  men  engrossing 
the  estates  of  the  distressed. 

29.  Legal  suspension  of  the 
collection  of  debts. 

28.  General  distress. 

27.  Failure  of  revenue. 

26.  fc Property    depreciating 
daily. 

25.  Houses  falling  to  decay. 

24.  Rents  reducing. 

23.  Sheriffs*  sales. 

22.  Banks  stopping  payment. 

21.  Credit  impaired  at  home 
and  abroad. 

20.  Staples  sinking  in  price. 

19.  Capital,  talents  and  indus- 
try, without  employment. 

18.  Emigrations  in  quest  of  an 
asylum  abroad. 

17.  Immigration  discounten- 
anced. 

16.  Population  sluggish. 

15    Marriages  rare. 

14.  Merchants  and  traders  fol- 
lowing in  their  train. 

13.  Manufacturers  bankrupt. 

12.  Manufacturing  establish- 
ments in  ruins. 

11    Soup  houses. 

10.  Increase  of  idleness,  pau- 
perism and  guilt. 

9.  Poor  rates  augmented. 

8.  Workmen  discharged. 

7    Decay  of  national  industry. 

6.  Remittances  of  government 
and  bank  stock. 

5.  Drain  of  specie. 

4.  Great  bargains  of  cheap  fo- 
reign goods. 

3.  Immense  importations. 

2.  Light  duties  on  manufac- 
tures. 

1.  Heavy  duties  on  teas,  wines, 
coffee,  spirits,  &c. 


THE 


OR, 

AN  ATTEMPT  TO  ESTABLISH  AN  IDENTITY  OF  INTEREST 
BBTWEE9 

AGRICULTURE,  MANUFACTURES,  AND  COMMERCE; 

AND  TO  PROVE, 

THAT   A     LARGE    PORTION    OF    THE    MANUFACTURING    INDUSTRY    OF    THIS 

NATION    HAS    BEEN    SACRIFICED    TO    CO3IMERCE;     AND    THAT 

COMMERCE  HAS  SUFFERED  BT  THIS  POLICY  NEARLY 

AS  MUCH  AS  MANUFACTURI  '       '     '  '       • 


BY  M.  CAREY, 

AUTHOR  OF  POLITICAL  OLIVE  BRANCH,  VIXDIflJE  HinF.IlXIC2E,   &C.  &C, 


*'  But  few  examples  have  occurred  of  distress  so  general  and  so  severe  as  that 
"  -which  has  been  exldbited  in  the  United  Stales" — Report  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury. 

"If  any  thing-  can  prevent  the  consummation  of  public  ruin,  it  can  only 
"  be  ncno  councils,'  a  sincere  change,  from  a  sincere  conviction  of  past  errors." 

Chatham. 

"  Jlfen  will  sooner  live  prosperously  under  tlie  worst  government,  than  starve 
*'  under  the  best." — Postlethwait's  Dictionary. 

"  A.  merchant  may  have  a  distinct  interest  from  that  of  his  country.  He 
"may  thrive  by  a  trade  that  will  prove  her  ruin." — British  J\ferchant. 

"  Manufactures  are  now  as  necessary  to  our  independence  as  to  our  com- 
«  fort."— Jefferson. 

"  It  is  the  interest  of  the  community,  with  a  view  to  eventual  and  per- 
"  manent  economy,  to  encourage  the  gruioth  of  manufactures" — Hamilton. 


PHILADELPHIA  : 

M.  CAREY  &  SON. 
1850. 


As  this  book  has  been  written,  and  is  now  published,  merely  from  public 
motives — no  copy  right  is  secured.  Should  any  printer  or  bookseller  in  any 
part  of  the  union,  either  from  the  importance  of  the  subject,  the  desire  of. 
doing  good,  or  the  hope  qf  making  profit,  feel  disposed  to  repubhsh  it,  he 
•has  ,not  only',  percni?*ion,  ;but  is  invited  to  carry  his  views  into  operation. 
The  writer  'requests,  however,  to  be  consulted,  and  have  two  weeks  from 
this  day,  to  rrah^ 'corrections/ should  any  be  found  necessary. 

March  17,  1820. 


J.  n.  A.  SKKURKTT,  PRINTER. 


TO  THOSE 
CITIZENS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

WHOSE  EXPANDED  VIEWS 

EMBRACE  THE  KINDRED  INTERESTS 

OF 

AGRICULTURE,  MANUFACTURES,  AND  COMMERCE; 

WHO   BELIEVE    THAT 

NATIONAL  INDUSTRY 
IS  THE  ONLY  LEGITIMATE  SOURCE  OF 

NATIONAL  WEALTH  AND  PROSPERITY  ; 

WITH  DR.  FRANKLIN, 

"THAT  INDUSTRY  IN  ALL  SHAPES,  IN  ALL  INSTANCES,  AND  BY  ALL 
"  MEANS,  SHOULD  BE  PROMOTED  ;" 

WITH  THOMAS  JEFFERSON, 

"  THAT    MANUFACTURES    ARE  NOW    AS    NECESSARY    TO    OUR 
"  INDEPENDENCE    AS    OUR    COMFORT  $" 

WITH  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON, 

"THAT  THE  INDEPENDENCE  AND  SECURITY  OF  A  COUNTRY 

"  ARE  MATERIALLY  CONNECTED  WITH  THE  PROS- 

«»  PERITY  OF  ITS  MANUFACTURES  j" 

WHO  ARE  OPPOSED  TO  THE  POLICY  OF 

LAVISHING  THE  WEALTH  OF  THE  NATION  TO  SUPPORT  FOREIGN 
GOVERNMENTS  AND  FOREIGN  MANUFACTURERS, 

AXD  IMPOVERISHING 

OUR  OWN  COUNTRY  AND  OUR  FELLOW  CITIZENS ; 

WHO  HOLD  THE  SOUND  DOCTRI.VK, 

THAT    NATIONS,    LIKE    INDIVIDUALS,    MUST    SUFFER  DISTRESS  AND 
MISERY  WHKN  THEIR  EXPENSES  EXCEED  THEIR  INCOME; 


AND  THAT  A  POLICY 
WHICH    CONVERTS   A    LARGE  PORTION  OF  OUR  CITIZENS   INTO  HUCK- 
STERS AND  RETAILERS  OF  FOREIGN  PRODUCTIONS, 

INSTEAD  OF 

PRODUCERS  FOR  HOME  CONSUMPTION, 

IS  RADICALLY  UNSOUND  ; 

AND  FINALLY,  THAT 

THE   RUINOUS   EXPERIMENT  WE  HAVE    MADE    OF   OUll   PRE- 
SENT   SYSTEM    FOR   FIVE    YEARS, 
POINTS  OUT  WITH  A  PENCIL  OF  LIGHT 
THE  IMPORTANT  TRUTH  PUT  ON  RECORD  BY  LORD  CHATHAM, 
«  THAT  IF  ANY  THING  CAN  PREVENT  THE  CONSUMMATION  OF 
»  PUBLIC  RUIN,  IT  CAN  ONLY  BE  NEW  COUNCILS  ; 
«A  SINCERE  CHANGE,  FROM  A  SINCERE 
«  CONVICTION  OF  ERROR," 

THIS  WORK 

IS  RESPECTFULLY  DEDICATED, 

BY  THE  AUTHOR. 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

CHAPTER  I. 

Preliminary  observations.    State  of  the  nation.    Whence        t  * 
it  arises.    Short-sighted  policy.    Decline  of  commerce 
inevitable.    Substitutes  ought  to  have  been  provided  for 
the  superfluous  mercantile  capital,  talent  and  industry.     17 
.  CHAPTER  II. 

Sketch  of  the  state  of  the  nation  from  the  peace  of  Paris 
till  the  organization  of  the  present  federal  government. 
Analogy  -with  our  present  state.    Unlimited  freedom  of 
commerce  fairly  tested.  .....         32 

CHAPTER  III. 

Adoption  of  the  federal  constitution.    Its  happy  effects. 
Utter  impolicy  of  the  tariff*.    Manufactures  and  manu- 
facturers not  protected.    Hamilton's  celebrated  report. 
Glaring  inconsistency.    Excise  system.    Its  unproduc- 
tiveness. -  47 
CHAPTER  IV. 

Memorials  to  congress.  Deceptions  report.  List  of  ex- 
ports. Tar iff*ofl.8O4>.  Wonderful  omission.  Immense 
importations  of  cotton  and woollen  goods.  Exportations 
of  cotton.  -  -  ...  69 

CHAPTER  V. 

Various  causes  which  prevented  the  ruinous  operation  of 
the  car  I  if  tariffs.  Declaration  of  war.  Blankets  for  In- 
dians. Disgraceful  situation  of  the  United  States. 
Governor  Gerry.  Sufferings  of  the  army.  Rapid  pro" 
gress  of  national  iiuhistrif.  -  -  -  77 


IV  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

State  of  the  country  at  the  close  of  the  war.  Pernicious 
consequences  to  the  manufacturers.  Mr.  Dallas^s  tariff. 
Rates  reduced  ten,  twenty,  and  thirty  per  cent. 
CHAPTER  VII. 

Rum  of  the  manufacturers,  and  decay  of  their  establish- 
ments. Pathetic  and  eloquent  appeals  to  congress.  Their 
contumelious  and  unfeeling1  neglect.    Memorials  neither 
read  nor  reported  on.    Revolting  contrast  between  the 
.fostering  care  bestowed  by  the  Russian  government  on 
their  manufacturers,  and  the  unheeded  sufferings  of 
that  class  of  citizens  in  the  United  States.         -         -      95 
CHAPTER  VIII. 

Dilatory  mode  of  proceeding  in  congress.  Lamentable 
waste  of  time.  Statement  of  the  progress  of  bills. 
Eighty-two  signed  in  one  day',  and  four  hundred  and 
twenty  in  eleven!  Unfeeling  treatment  of  Gen.  Stark. 
Culpable  attention  to  punctilio.  Rapid  movement  of 
compensation  bill.  -*  -  112 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Attempts  to  prove  the  state  of  affairs  prosperous.  Their 
fallacy  established.  Destruction  of  industry  in  Phila- 
delphia and  Pittsburg.  Awful  situation  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. 14,537  suits  for  debt,  and  10,326  judgments 
confessed  in  the  year  1819.  Depreciation  of  real  estate 
115,544,629  dollars.  126 

CHAPTER  X. 

Causes  assigned  for  the  existing  distress.    Extravagant 
banking.     Transition  to  a  state  of  peace.    Fallacy  of 
these  reasons.     True  cause,  destruction  of  industry. 
Comparison  of  exports  for  six  years.  -    135 

CHAPTER  XI. 

The  everlasting  complaint  of  "  taxing  the  many  for  the 
benefit  of  the  few.'7  Fallacy  and  injustice  of  it.  Amount 
of  impost  for  fourteen  years.  For  the  year  1818.  Im- 
post for  the  protection  of  agriculture  in  that  year  above 
4,500,000  dollars.  142 


CONTENTS.  V 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Immense  advantages  enjoyed  by  the  farmers  and  planters 
for  nearly  thirty  years,  viz.  a  domestic  monopoly — and 
excellent  foreign  markets.  Exorbitant  prices  of  the 
necessaries  of  life.  Great  extent  of  the  domestic  mar- 
ket. Internal  trade  of  the  United  States.  149 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Calumnious  clamour  against  the  manufacturers  on  the 
ground  of  extortion.  Destitute  of  the  shadow  of  founda- 
tion. Take  the  beam  out  of  thine  own  eye.  Rise  of  me- 
rino wool  400  per  cent.  Great  rise  of  the  price  of  mer- 
chandize after  the  declaration  of  war.  -  -  161 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Tfie  agricultural  the  predominant  interest  in  the  United 
States.  Great  advantages  to  agriculture  from  the  vici- 
nity of  manufacturing  establishments.  Case  of  Aber- 
deen. Of  Harmony.  Of  Providence,  fall  of  lands  the 
result  of  the  decay  of  manufactures .  -  -  172 

CHAPTER  XV. 

General  reflexions  on  commerce.  Conducted  on  terms  of 
reciprocity,  highly  advantageous.  Commerce  of  the 
United  States  carried  on  upon  very  unequal  terms. 
Has  produced  most  injurious  consequences.  Tables  of 
exports.  Estimates  of  the  profits  of  commerce.  Perni- 
cious consequences  of  the  competition  of  our  merchants 
in  the  domestic  and  foreign  markets.  The  ruin  of  so 
many  of  them  the  result  of  the  excess  of  their  numbers.  185 
CHAPTER  XVI. 

Fostering  care  of  commerce  by  congress.  Monopoly  of  the 
coasting  and  China  trade  secured  to  our  merchants 
from  the  year  1789.  Revolting  partiality.  Wonderful 
increase  of  tonnage.  Act  on  the  subject  of  plaster  of 
Paria.  Law  levelled  against  the  British  navigation 
a*t.  Rapidity  of  legislation.  -  -  -  -  213 
CHAPTER  XVII. 

Erroneous  views  of  the  tariff.     Protection  of  agriculture 
in  1789.    Prostrate  xtat*'  of  the  staples  of  South  Caro- 


VI 


CONTENTS. 


Una  and  Georgia.  Ninety  per  cent,  on  snuff,  and  one 
hundred  on  tobacco.  Striking  contrast.  Abandonment 
of  manufactures .  ...  -221 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

An  awful  contrast.  Distress  in  Great  Britain,  because 
she  cannot  engross  the  supply  of  the  world.  Distress 
in  the  United  States,  because  the  home  market  is  inun- 
dated with  rival  manufactures. 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Encouragment  and  patronage  of  immigrants  by  England 
and  France.  Advantages  of  the  United  States.  Great 
numbers  of  immigrants .  Their  sufferings.  Return  of 
many  of  them.  Interesting  table.  -  -  233 


IX 

INTRODUCTION.  3een   to  render 

inverting  a  large 
* hucksters  and 

TTITS  work  may  be  considered  as  a  second 
edition,  much  enlarged  and  improved,  of  the 
Three  Letters  to  Mr.  Garnett,  recently  publish- 
ed ;  as  it  contains  nearly  the  whole  of  the  mat- 
ter of  those  letters.  It  is  nevertheless  presented 
to  the  public  in  a  state  that  requires  apology 
for  its  imperfections.  This  apology  rests  upon 
the  circumstances  which  have  given  rise  to  it, 
and  the  situation  of  the  country.  Books,  written 
as  this  has  been,  on  the  spur  of  the  occasion,  to 
shed  light  on  passing  subjects  of  policy,  on  which 
the  decision  may  be  precipitated  previous  to  their 
appearance,  (if  not  hurried  through  the  press,) 
cannot,  without  injustice,  be  tried  by  the  rigor- 
ous rules  of  general  criticism.  Tins  would  be  al- 
most as  unfair  as  to  scan  a  house  erected  in 
haste  for  a  new  settler  in  the  wilderness,  by  the 
rules  laid  down  by  Palladio — or  to  criticise  the 
dress  of  a  lady  whom  circumstances  have  forc- 
ed to  appear  before  the  eye  in  entire  dishabille, 
as  rigorously  as  if  she  had  made  her  entree  into 
a  ball  room  on  a  gala  evening. 

The  grand  object  of  such  books  is  to  convey 
information.  Ornaments  of  composition  are  but 
secondary  considerations.  Whatever  effect  tliey 
are  likely  to  produce,  depends  on  the  time  of  their 
appearance.  The  object  may  be  wholly  defeat- 


X  INTRODUCTION. 

These  views  of  our  affairs  are  presented  to 
the  public  with  a  sincere  belief  of  their  sound- 
ness. But,"  like  other  theorists,  I  may  have 
deluded  myself.  However,  whether  right  or 
wrong,  the  discussion  cannot  fail  to  prove  use- 
ful— as  it  will  shed  light  on  the  most  important 
subject  that  can  occupy  the  public  attention — 
the  means  of  promoting  individual  happiness, 
and  national  "  wealth,  power,  and  resources" — 
of  removing  the  present  intolerable  evils,  of 
which  the  secretary  of  the  treasury,  in  his  re- 
port of  the  Slst  ultimo,  has  justly  declared, 
that  "fenv  instances  have  occurred,  of  distress  so 
general,  and  so  severe,  as  that  which  has  been 
exhibited  in  the  United  States."  This  important 
subject  is  worthy  of  the  undivided  attention  of 
every  man  interested  for  the  public  welfare. 

If  my  views  be  incorrect,  I  shall  rejoice  to 
have  the  errors  pointed  out,  and  shall  cheerful- 
ly recant  them.  Any  suggestions  on  the  subject 
will  be  received  with  thankfulness,  and  attend- 
ed to.  But  if  the  ground  1  have  taken  be  cor- 
rect, I  hope  and  trust  the  investigation  may 
lead  to  a  different  course  of  policy,  calculated 
to  enable  us  to  realize  the  blessings  promised 
to  us  by  our  constitution  and  our  natural  advan- 
tages,which  at  present  so  provokingly  elude  our 
grasp.  M.  C. 

Philadelphia,  March  i7th<  1820 


NEW  OLIVE  BRANCH 


CHAPTER  I. 

Preliminary  obsemations.  State  of  the  nation. 
Whence  it  arises.  Short-sighted  policy.  De- 
cline of  commerce  inevitable.  Substitutes  ought 
to  have  been  provided  for  the  superfluous  mer- 
cantile capita^  talent  and  industry. 

IT  is  impossible  for  any  one  who  can  say  with 
Terence — "  I  am  a  man — interested  in  whatever 
concerns  my  fellow  men" — to  take  a  calm  and 
dispassionate  view  of  the  existing  state  of  affairs, 
in  this  heaven-favoured  land,  without  feeling 
deep  distress,  and  a  melancholy  conviction,  that 
we  have  made  a  most  lamentable  waste  of  the 
immense  advantages,  moral,  physical,  and  poli- 
tical, we  enjoy— advantages  rarely  equalled, 
scarcely  ever  exceeded ;  and  that  our  erroneous 
policy  has,  in  live  years,  produced  more  havoc 
of  national  wealth,  power,  and  resources,  and 
more  individual  distress,  than,  in  a  period  of 
profound  peace*  has  taken  place  in  the  same 

*  Other  nations  usually  and  naturally  recover  in  peace 
from  the  injuries  inflicted  by  war.  We  rose  in  war— and 
alas  !  are  sinking  in  peace ! ! !  What  an  awful  view ! 

4# 


space  of  time,  within  two  hundred  years,  in  any 
nation  of  Europe,  except  Portugal.  » 

,;  eS  That  governments  are  instituted  for  the  pro- 
tection, support^  and  benefit  of  the  governed,  is 
[& ,  nlzburiv  .as  ok!  as  the  dawn  of  liberty  in  the 
world.  The  administrators  are  the  mere  agents 
of  their  constituents,  hired  to  perform  certain 
duties,  for  which  they  are  here  paid  liberal  sa- 
laries. 

The  grand  objects  of  their  care  are — the  se- 
curity of  person — security  of  property  acquired, 
and  in  the  acquisition  of  property — with  the 
right  of  worshipping  God  as  each  man's  con- 
science dictates.  And  government,  by  whatever 
name  it  may  be  called,  is  only  estimable  in  pro- 
portion as  it  guards  those  sacred  deposits.  Our 
dear-bought  experience  proves,  that  the  happi- 
ness of  individuals  and  the  prosperity  of  nations 
are  by  no  means  proportioned  to  the  excellence 
of  their  forms  of  government.  Were  that  the 
case,  we  should  rank  among  the  happiest  of  na- 
tions, ancient  or  modern:  whereas,  unfortunate- 
ly, at  present  we  occupy  a  low  grade. 

It  is  a  mealancholy  feature  in  human  affairs, 
that  no  institutions,  however  perfect — no  ad- 
ministration, however  upright  or  wise,  can  guard 
the  whole  of  a  nation  against  distress  and  em- 
barrassment. Accidents,  not  to  be  foreseen,  or, 
if  foreseen,  not  to  be  guarded  against — impru- 
dence, extravagance,  and  various  other  causes, 


(    19    ) 

will  frequently,  in  the  most  prosperous  commu- 
nities, produce  a  large  portion  of  distress.  This 
state  of  things  is  no  impeachment  to  the  good- 
ness  of  the  form  of  government,  or  the  wisdom 
of  its  administrators. 

But  when  large  bodies  of  people,  whole  sec- 
tions of  a  nation,  are  involved  in  distress  and 
embarrassment — when  capital,  talents,  industry, 
and  ingenuity  afford  to  their  possessors  no  secu- 
rity of  prosperity — when  productive  industry  is 
laid  prostrate — when  the  most  useful  establish- 
ments, the  pride,  the  glory,  the  main  spring  of 
the  wealth,  power,  and  resources  of  nations,  are 
allowed  to  fall  to  ruins,  without  an  effort  to  save 
them  on  the  part  of  the  legislative  power — 
when  the  constituents,  writhing  in  distress  and 
misery,  call  in  vain  on  their  representatives  for 
relief,  which  is  within  their  power  to  afford — 
there  must  be  something  radically  wrong  in  the 
people,  or  in  the  form  of  government,  or  radi- 
cally vicious  and  pernicious  in  its  legislation. 

The  policy  of  a  free  government,  good  or 
bad,  emanates  from  the  legislative  body,  which 
has  the  destinies  of  the  nation  in  its  hands.  The 
executive  officers  in  such  nations,  who  are 
generally  stiled  the  administration,  have  little 
power  to  avert  the  evils  of  a  vicious,  or  to  pre- 
vent the  beneficent  consequences  of  a  wise 
legislation.  This  is  peculiarly  the  case  in  our 
country. 


Preparatory  to  stating  the  plan  1  propose  to 
pursue  in  this  pamphlet,  it  is  proper  to  exhibit 
a  view  of  the  actual  situation  of  the  country,  to 
justify  the  strong  ground  I  mean  to  take.    And 
believing  the  sketch  given  in  the  second  Ad- 
dress of  the  Philadelphia  Society  for  the  pro 
motion  of  National  Industry  to  be  correct,  an 
its  brevity  being  suited  to  the  limits  I  am  oblig- 
ed to  observe,  I  annex  it. 


1.  Our  profitable  commerce  is  nearly  annihi- 
lated. 

2.  Our  shipping  reduced  in  value  one-half. 

3.  Of  our  merchants  a  considerable  portion 
bankrupt,   and   many  tottering   on  the  verge 
of  bankruptcy.    The  commercial  capital  of  the 
country  reduced,  it  is  believed,  seventy  million! 
of  dollars. 

4.  Our   manufacturing   establishments  in  a 
great  measure  suspended,  and  numbers  of  them 
falling  to  decay. 

5.  Many  of  their  proprietors  ruined. 

6.  Thousands  of  citizens  unemployed  through- 
out the  United  States. 

7.  Our  circulating  medium  drawn  away  to 
the  East  Indies  and  to  Europe,  to  pay  for  arti- 
cles which  we  could  ourselves  furnish,  or  whicl 
we  do  not  want. 

8.  A  heavy  annual  tax  incurred  to  Europe  in 


the  interest  payable  on  probably  20  to  25,000,000 
of  dollars  of  government  and  bank  stock,  like- 
wise remitted  in  payment. 

9.  Real  estate  every  where  fallen  thirty,  forty, 
or  fifty  per  cent. 

10.  Our  great  staples,  cotton,  flour,  tobacco, 
£yc.  reduced  in  price  from  thirty  to  forty  per 
cent. 

11.  Our  merino  sheep,  for  want  of  protecting 
the  woollen  manufacture,  in  a  great  measure 
destroyed,  and  those  that  remain  not  worth  ten 
per  cent,  of  their  cost. 

12.  Large  families  of  children  become  a  bur- 
den to  their  parents,  who  are  unable  to  devise 
suitable  means  of  employment  for  them. 

13.  Numbers  of  our  citizens,  possessed  of  va- 
luable talents,  and  disposed  to  be  useful,  but  un- 
able to  find  employment,  are  migrating  to  Cuba, 
where,  under  a  despotic  government,  among  a 
population  principally  of  slaves,  and  subject  to 
the   horrors  of  the  inquisition,  they  seek  an 
asylum  from  the  distress  they  suffer  here  ! 

44.  Hundreds  of  useful  artisans  and  mecha- 
nics, who,  allured  by  our  form  of  government, 
migrated  to  our  shores,  have  returned  to  their 
native  countries,  or  gone  to  Nova  Scotia  or  Ca- 
nada, broken  hearted  and  with  exhausted  funds. 

15.  Men  of  capital  are  unable  to  find  any  pro- 
fitable employment  for  it  in  regular  business. 


16.  Citizens  who  own  real  estate  to  a  great 
amount — have  large  debts  due  them — and  im- 
mense stocks  of  goods,  cannot  mortgage  their 
real  estate,  dispose  of  their  stocks  but  at  extra- 
vagant sacrifices,  nor  collect  their  debts. 

17.  Citizens  possessed  of  great  wealth,  have 
it  in  their  power  to  increase  it  immoderately, 
by  purchasing  the  property  of  the  distressed, 
sold  at  ruinous  sacrifices  by  sheriffs,  marshals, 
and  otherwise — thus  destroying  the  equality  of 
our  citizens,  and  aggrandizing  the  rich  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  middle  class  of  society. 

18.  The  interest  of  money  extravagantly  usu- 
rious. 

19.  Distress  and  misery,  to  an  extent  not  to 
be  conceived  but  by  those  who  have  an  oppor- 
tunity of  beholding  them,  spreading  among  the 
labouring  class  in  our  towns  and  cities. 

20.  Bankruptcy  and  poverty  producing  ai 
alarming  increase  of  demoralization  and  crime. 

21.  The  attachment  to  our  government  liable 
to  be  impaired  in  the  minds  of  those  who  are 
ruined  by  the  policy  it  has  pursued. 

22.  After  having  prostrated  our  national  ma- 
nufactures, lest  we  should  injure  the  revenue, 
the  revenue  itself  fails,  and  we  are  likely  to  be 
obliged  to  recur  to  loans  or  direct  taxes  to  meet 
the  exigencies  of  the  government. 

23.  Numbers  of  banks  in  different  parts  of  the 


(    23    ) 

union,  deprived  of  their  specie  by  the  extrava- 
gant drains  for  Europe  and  the  East  Indies, 
obliged  to  stop  payment. 

24.  Legislatures  driven  by  the  prevalence  of 
distress,  to  the  frightful  measure  of  suspending 
the  collection  of  debts. 


That  such  an  awful  state  of  things  could  not 
exist  in  a  time  of  profound  peace,  without  some 
great  natural  calamity — some  radical  defects  in 
the  people — great  vice  in  the  form  of  govern- 
ment— or  an  unsound  system  of  policy,  will  not 
be  controverted. 

Our  distresses  do  not  arise  from  any  natural 
calamity.  None  has  befallen  us. 

Nor  from  the  people.  They  are  shrewd,  in- 
telligent, industrious,  active,  and  enterprizing  to 
a  high  degree.  A  wise  legislator  or  statesman 
could  not  desire  sounder  materials  to  form  the 
structure  of  a  happy  and  prosperous  society, 
and  render  his  name  immortal. 

Nor  from  the  form  of  government.  That,  like 
every  work  of  man,  it  has  defects,  must  be  con- 
ceded. But  that  it  is  the  best  the  world  ever 
witnessed,  is  susceptible  of  full  proof  on  fair 
comparison  with  any  that  at  present  exist — or 
that  ever  existed. 

They  are  therefore  chargeable  to  our  policy, 
which,  I  repeat,  emanates  from  our  general  legis- 


(    34    ) 

Jature,  to  whom,  if  our  evils  are  not  irremedia- 
ble, we  must  apply  for  relief. 

This  declaration,  as  to  the  source  of  our  dis- 
tresses, requires  qualification,  so  far  as  regards 
the  diminution  of  our  commerce,  and  the  depre- 
ciation of  the  prices  of  our  staples  generally, 
which  congress  could  not  have  prevented. 

Cotton  is  an  exception.  For  the  ruinous  re- 
duction that  has  taken  placte  in  that  article, 
they  are  answerable  to  their  country.  They 
might  have  readily  made  a  domestic  market, 
which  would  have  preserved  the  price  from  any 
material  depreciation,  and  saved  the  cotton  plan- 
ters above  7,000,000  of  dollars,  and  the  mer- 
chants who  purchased  before  the  reduction, 
nearly  4,000,000. 

Had  our  statesmen  considered  the  subject 
profoundly,  as  their  duty  demanded,  they  might 
have  readily  foreseen  that  the  new  state  of  affairs 
throughout  the  world  required  a  total  change  of 
policy.  As  we  could  no  longer  hope  to  be  the 
carriers  for  Europe  ;  and  as  the  immense  armies 
disbanded  by  the  different  belligerants,  would 
be  devoted  partly  to  the  labours  of  the  field,  and 
partly  to  work-shops  and  manufactories,  where- 
by not  only  the  markets  for  our  staples,  bread- 
stuffs  particularly,  would  be  diminished,  but  the 
quantity  of  manufactures  there  would  be  greatly 
increased ;  it  required  but  little  sagacity  to  see 
that  a  large  portion  of  the  talents,  the  capital, 


and  the  industry  of  our  merchants,  would  be 
bereft  of  their  usual  employment,  and  that 
every  motive  of  policy  and  regard  for  the  pub- 
lic and  private  welfare  required  that  some  other 
channel  should  be  opened  to  give  them  activity. 
But  these  were  views  beyond  the  grasp  of  most 
of  our  statesmen ;  and  far  from  holding  out 
any  new  inducements  to  enter  on  manufac- 
turing pursuits,  which  would  have  absorbed  all 
the  superfluous  mercantile  capital,  they  unwise- 
ly diminished  those  that  existed,  by  repealing 
the  double  duties  in  June,  1816,  whereby  the 
revenue  lost  millions  of  dollars,  and  the  manu- 
facturing industry  of  the  country  received  a 
mortal  wound. 

It  required  but  slender  consideration  to  have 
foreseen,  at  an  early  period,  the  goal  to  which 
the  policy  we  pursued  after  the  late  war,  tended. 
The  domestic  exports  of  the  country,  the  grand 
legitimate  fund  for  the  payment  of  our  imports, 
for  twenty  years,  from  1796  to  18 1 5,  inclusive, 
amounted  to  only  698,676,879  dollars,  or  an 
average  of  nearly  35,000,000.  Whereas  our 
imports  in  the  year  18 15,  exclusive  of  re-expor- 
tations, amounted  to  above  118.000,000.  Lives 
there  a  man  who  could  for  a  moment  doubt 
where  such  a  course  of  proceeding  would  land 
us  ?  or,  that  our  exports,  which,  under  the  im- 
mense advantages  we  enjoyed  during  the  French 
revolution,  only  rose  to  the  above  average. 


would  never,  in  a  time  of  peace,  enable  us  to 
pay  for  such  extravagant  importations?  It  was 
impossible  to  take  a  most  superficial  view  of  the 
subject,  without  being  satisfied  that  we  were  as 
completely  in  the  high  road  to  destruction  as  a 
young  man  who  has  attained  to  the  possession 
of  a  large  estate,  and  who  expends  more  than 
double  his  income. 

A  wonderful  feature  in  the  affair  is,  that 
the  net  impost  which  accrued  in  1815,  was 
36,306,023  dollars,  being  one  million  more 
than  the  preceding  average  of  our  exports  for 
twenty  years ! ! 

Independent,  therefore,  of  all  concern  for  our 
manufacturers,  and  indeed,  were  there  not  a  sin- 
gle  manufacturer  in  the  country,  some  decisive 
efforts  ought  to  have  been  made  to  diminish  our 
imports,  in  order  to  arrest  the  career  of  national 
impoverishment.  But  the  flourishing  state  of  the 
revenue,  which  with  too  many  of  our  statesmen, 
absorbed  all  other  considerations,  appeared  to 
promise  a  new  fiscal  millennium.  And  hence 
the  fatal  repeal  of  the  internal  duties,  which 
was  carried  by  the  overwhelming  majority,  in 
the  house  of  representatives,  of  16 1  to  5,  in 
December,  1817 — than  which  a  more  wild  and 
injudicious  measure  could  hardly  have  been  de- 
vised. We  have  lived  to  see  its  folly,  and  to 
deplore  its  consequences. 

What  would  be  thought  of  the  skill   of  a 


physician,  who,  while  bleeding  his  patient  to  a 
state  of  inanition,  was  congratulating  himself  on 
the  quantity  and  excellence  of  the  blood  pouring 
out  of  his  veins  ! — such  is  the  case  precisely  of 
those  statesmen,  who  form  their  ideas  of  national 
prosperity  from  the  great  extent  of  the  customs, 
more  frequently  a  sign  of  decay,  as  it  has  prov- 
ed with  us.  What  a  sound  lesson  Ustariz,  a 
Spanish  author,  gives  on  this  subject ! — how  de- 
serving of  attention  !  but  how  little  attended  to ! 

"  It  aggravates  the  calamity  of  our  country  that  the  cus- 
u  toms  have  improved  and  yielded  more  by  the  increase 
u  of  imports  ;  since  it  is  so  unfortunate  a  circumstance  for 
"  us,  that  in  order  to  advance  them  a  million  of  dollars ,  esti- 
"  mating  one  duty  with  another  at  the  rate  of  eight  per  cent., 
u  after  an  allowance  for  frauds  and  indulgences,  there  must 
4t  be  drawn  out  of  the  kingdom  twelve  millions  of  dollars"* 


It  cannot  be  too  deeply  lamented,  that  in 
placing  before  congress  the  calamitous  situation 
of  our  manufactures  and  manufacturers,  (which, 
by  the  way,  is  but  very  lightly  touched  on)  both 
the  president  and  the  secretary  of  the  treasury, 
the  former  in  his  message,  and  the  latter  in  his 
annual  report,  in  recommending  attention  to  the 
relief  of  this  suffering  class  of  citizens,  express 
some  hesitation  on  the  subject,  and  speak  hypo- 
thetically,  particularly  the  secretary. 

*  Ustariz  on  the  theory  and  practice  of  commerce  and 
maritime  affairs,  vol.  \.  p.  6. 


(    28    ) 
The  president  states: — 

u  It  is  deemed  of  importance  to  encourage  our  domes- 
"  tic  manufactures.  In  what  manner  the  evils  whicih  have 
"  been  adverted  to  may  be  remedied,  and  how  it  may  be 
a  practicable  in  other  respects,  to  afford  them  further  en- 
"  couragement,  paying  due  regard  to  the  other  great  interests 
"  of  the  nation,  is  submitted  to  the  wisdom  of  congress.3 

The  observation  of  the  secretary  is — 

"  It  is  believed  that  the  present  is  a  favourable  mo- 
u  ment  for  affording  efficient  protection  to  that  increasing 
"  and  important  interest,  if  it  can  be  done  consistently  ru ith 
"  the  general  interest  of  the  nation'." 

Good  heavens!  what  an  appalling  if!  Was 
there  ever  such  an  unlucky  word  introduced  into 
a  public  document !  "Tjf  it  can  be  done  consist- 
ently with  the  general  interest  of  the  nation  !5' 
As  if  a  statesman  could  for  an  instant  doubt 
whether  protecting  and  fostering  the  national 
industry — reducing  our  imports  or  expenses, 
within  our  exports  or  income — and  arresting 
the  progress  of  distress  and  decay,  could,  in 
any  possible  case,  be  otherwise  than  "  con- 
sistent  with  the  general  interest  of  the  nation!" 
As  if  it  could  be  a  matter  of  doubt,  whether 
the  contingency  of  a  farmer  or  planter  pay- 
ing  twenty,  thirty,  or  forty  dollars  more  per 
annum,  (supposing  that  to  be  the  case,  which  I 
shall  prove  to  be  as  destitute  of  foundation,  as 
the  sublime  theory  that  this  earth  rests  upon  a 
tortoise)  is  to  be  put  into  competition  with  the 


bankruptcy  of  our  manufacturing  capitalists — 
the  beggary  of  our  working  people — and  the  im- 
poverishment of  the  nation ! 


Intending  to  investigate  the  rise  and  progress 
of  the  calamities  of  this  country,  I  shall  divide 
the  subject  under  the  following  heads  : — 

1.  Present  calamitous  state  of  affairs.  Causes. 

2.  State  of  the  nation  from  the  peace  of  Paris 
till  the  year  1789. 

3.  Adoption  of  the  federal  constitution.  Con- 
sequences  of  that  measure.    Tariff  of  1789. 
Fatal  errors.    Mr.  Hamilton's  Report. 

4.  Tariff  of  1804. 

5^  Declaration  of  war.  Disgraceful  situation 
of  the  country. 

6.  State  of  the  nation  at  the  close  of  the  war. 

7.  Mr.  Dallas's  tariff. 

8.  Ruin  of  the  manufacturers  and  decay  of 
their  establishments. 

9.  Dilatory  mode  of  proceeding  in  congress. 

10.  Destruction  of  industry  in  Pennsylvania, 

11.  Erroneous  causes  assigned  for  the  exist- 
ing distress. 

12.  The  complaint  of  taxing  the  many  for  the 
benefit  of  the  few. 

13.  Immense  advantages  enjoyed  by  the  far- 
mers and  planters  for  thirty  years. 

•>' 


30 

14.  Fallacy  of  the  clamours  on  the  ground  of 
extortion. 

15.  Advantages  to  agriculture  from  manufac- 
turing establishmens. 

16.  General  reflexions  on  commerce.    View 
of  that  of  the  United  States. 

17-  Fostering  care  of  commerce  by  congress. 

18.  Contrast  between  the  conduct  of  the  Bri- 
tish government  and  that  of  the  United  States. 

19.  Advantages  that  might  have  arisen  from 
the  proper  encouragement  of  manufactures,  by 
the  accession  of  immigrants. 


Some  of  my  friends  have  endeavoured  to  dis- 
suade me  from  using  the  freedom  of  style, 
which  prevails  in  this  work.  They  declare  it 
imprudent,  as  likely  to  irritate  congress,  and 
prevent  their  attending  to  the  applications 
of  the  manufacturers.  I  have  duly  weigh- 
ed this  very  prudent  advice,  and  cannot  per- 
suade myself  to  adopt  it.  The  manufacturers 
require  no  favours.  They  only  seek  justice. 
Believing  the  system  pursued  radically  vicious 
and  pernicious,  it  is  the  right  and  the  duty 
of  every  man  who  suffers  by  it,  to  enter  his 
protest  against  the  ruinous  course  pursued — to 
trace  it  to  its  causes — and  to  display  its  conse- 
quences. I  have  used  the  language  of  a  free- 


man.  If  the  conduct  I  denounce,  betrays  a  ma- 
nifest departure  from  duty,  can  there  be  any 
impropriety  in  marking  the  departure?  In  coun- 
tries less  free  than  the  United  States,  far  greater 
severity  is  used  in  discussing  the  conduct  of  go- 
vernment. Why  then  should  v  it  be  criminal  or 
improper  here?  If  any  of  my  statements  be  in- 
correct, or  my  inductions  illogical,  I  shall  freely 
retract  and  apologize  for  them.  But  till  then,  1 
throw  myself  on  the  good  sense  of  the  commu- 
nity, and  dare  the  consequences. 


CHAPTER  11. 

Sketch  of  the  state  of  the  nation  from  the  peace 
of  Paris  till  the  organization  of  the  present  fede- 
ral government.  Analogy  with  our  present 
state.  Unlimited  freedom  of  commerce  fairly 
tested. 

At  the  close  of  the  revolutionary  war,  the 
trade  of  America  was  free  and  unrestrained  in 
the  fullest  sense  of  the  word,  according  to  the 
theory  of  Adam  Smith,  Say,  Ricardo,  the  Edin- 
burgh Reviewers,  and  the  authors  of  the  Ency- 
clopaedia. Her  ports  were  open,  with  scarcely 
any  duties,  to  the  vessels  and  merchandize  of  all 

other  nations. 

The  rate  of  duties  in  Pennsylvania,  was  only 
two  and  a  half  per  cent.  Even  these  were  nuga- 
tory :  because  there  was  a  free  port  established 
at  Burlington,  by  the  state  of  New  Jersey,  where 
goods  intended  for  Philadelphia  were  entered, 
and  conveyed  over  to  this  city  clandestinely., 
The  same  fraudulent  scenes  were  acted  in 
other  states,  and  thus  trade  was,  as  I  have  stat- 
ed, wholly  free. 


(      33      ) 

If  enthusiasts  did  not  too  generally  scorn  to 
trammel  themselves  by  attention  to  facts,  which 
are  so  very  troublesome,  and  refuse  to  be 
dove-tailed  into  their  specious  theories,  this  case 
would  settle  the  question  of  unrestrained  com- 
merce for  ever — and  prove,  that  the  system 
ought  to  be  postponed  till  the  millennium, 
when  it  is  possible  it  may  stand  a  chance  of 
promoting  the  welfare  of  mankind.  But  till 
then,  woe  to  the  nation  that  adopts  it.  Her  de- 
struction is  sealed. 

To  a  theorist  "  facts  are  stubborn  things," 
not  unlike  those  formidable  obstructions  in  the 
Mississippi,  which,  in  the  elegant  diction  of  the 
navigators  of  that  immense  river,  are  called 
snags  and  sawyers.  When  their  barks  come  in 
contact  with  them,  a  wreck  ensues.  They  there- 
fore take  all  imaginable  care  to  avoid  them. 
Thus  it  is  with  the  true  theorist.  He  carefully 
avoids  all  the  facts  that  endanger  his  system, 
how  strong  or  convincing  soever  they  may  be. 
This  saves  an  immensity  of  trouble.  Hence  in 
some  of  the  grand  systems  of  political  economy, 
which  have  acquired  great  celebrity,  you  may 
travel  through  fifty  or  a  hundred  pages  together, 
of  most  harmonious  prose,  all  derived  from  a 
luxuriant  imagination,  without  your  career  be- 
ing arrested  by  a  single  fact.  But  on  a  little 
reflection  or  examination,  you  may  as  readily 


34 

liud  a  single  fact,  recorded  elsewhere  in  ten 
lines,  which  demolishes  the  whole. 

From  almost  every  nation  in  Europe,  large 
shipments  were  made  to  this  country — many  of 
them  of  the  most  ludicrous  kind,  which  implied 
an  utter  ignorance  of  the  wants,  the  situation 
and  the  resources  of  the  United  States.  Among 
the  rest,  the  recesses  of  Monmouth  street,  in 
London,  and Plunket  street, in  Dublin,  the  recep- 
tacles of  the  cast-off  clothes  of  the  two  metropo- 
lises, were  emptied  of  a  portion  of  their  contents : 
for  it  was  supposed  that  the  war  had  rendered 
the  nation  destitute  of  every  thing,  even  of  cover- 
ing. Happy  was  the  man  who  could  send  "  a  ve?i- 
ture^  as  it  was  called,  to  this  country,  which 
the  misguided  Europeans  supposed  an  El  Dorado, 
where  every  thing  was  to  be  converted  into  gold 
with  a  cent  per  cent,  profit  at  least.  Goods  often 
lay  on  the  wharves  for  many  days  for  want  of 
store  room.  House  rent  rose  to  double  and 
treble  the  former  rates.  The  importers  and  con- 
signees at  first  sold  at  great  advances — and  be- 
lieved they  were  rapidly  indemnifying  them- 
selves for  the  deprivations  and  sufferings  of  the 
war. 

But  these  glorious  times  soon  came  to  a  close, 
like  those  of  1815.  From  "day  dreams"  and 
delusive  scenes  of  boundless  wealth,  the  citizens 
awoke  to  pinching  misery  and  distress.  The 


(     35     ) 

nation  had  no  mines  to  pay  her  debts.  And  in- 
dustry, the  only  legitimate  and  permanent  source 
of  individual  happiness,  and  national  wealth, 
power,  and  resources,  was  destroyed,  as  it  has 
recently  been  by  the  influx,  and  finally  by  the 
depreciation  of  the  price,  of  the  imported  ar- 
ticles :  for  the  quantity  on  hands  being  equal 
to  the  consumption  of  two  or  three  years,  of 
course  the  great  mass  of  goods  fell  below 
cost — often  to  half  and  one-third.  All  our  citi- 
zens were  at  once  converted  into  disciples 
of  Adam  Smith.  They  purchased  every  species 
of  goods  "  cheaper  than  they  could  be  manu- 
factured at  home."  Accordingly  domestic  manu- 
factures were  arrested  in  their  career.  The 
weaver,  the  shoemaker,  the  hatter,  the  saddler, 
the  sugar  baker,  the  brewer,  the  rope  maker,  the 
paper  maker,  £jc.  were  reduced  to  bankruptcy. 
Their  establishments  were  suspended.  Their 
workmen  were  consigned  to  idleness  and  beg- 
gary. The  payment  for  the  foreign  rubbish  ex- 
hausted the  country  of  nearly  the  whole  of  its 
specie,  immense  quantities  of  which  had  been  in- 
troduced to  pay  the  French  armies,  and  likewise 
from  the  Spanish  colonies.  Two-thirds  probably 
of  the  specie  then  in  the  country  were  composed 
of  French  crowns. 

However  calamitous  the  present  state  of 
affairs,  we  have  not  yet  sunk  to  so  low  an  ebb,  as 
at  that  period.  I  have  in  1786  seen  sixteen 


) 


houses  to  let  in  two  squares,  of  about  800  feet, 
in  one  of  the  best  sites  for  business  in  Philadel- 
phia. Real  property  could  hardly  find  a  market. 
The  number  of  persons  reduced  to  distress,  and 
forced  to  sell  their  merchandize,  was  so  great, 
and  those  who  had  money  to  invest,  were  so 
very  few,  that  the  sacrifices  were  immense, 
Debtors  were  ruined,  without  paying  a  fourth  of 
the  demands  of  their  creditors.  There  were 
most  unprecedented  transfers  of  property.  Men. 
worth  large  estates,  who  had  unfortunately  en- 
tered into  business,  were  in  a  year  or  two  totally 
ruined — and  those  who  had  a  command  of  ready 
money,  quadrupled  or  quintupled  their  estates 
in  an  equally  short  space.  Confidence  was  so 
wholly  destroyed,  that  interest  rose  to  two,  two- 
and  a  half,  and  three  per  cent,  per  month.  And 
bonds,  and  judgments,  and  mortgages  were  sold 
at  a  discount  of  twenty,  thirty,  forty,  and  fifty 
per  cent.  In  a  word,  few  countries  have  expe- 
rienced a  more  awful  state  of  distress  and 
wretchedness. 

While  our  citizens  were  writhing  under  these 
evils,  destitute  of  a  circulating  medium,  in- 
dustry universally  paralized,  thousands  every 
where  deprived  of  the  means  of  supporting  their 
families,  bankruptcy  daily  swallowing  up  in 
its  vortex  our  merchants,  tradesmen,  manufac- 
turers, and  artisans — it  is  not  wonderful  that 
recourse  was  had  to  various  indefensible  means 


(     37     ) 

to  palliate  the  evils.  The  real  source,  that 
is,  the  want  of  an  adequate  tariff  to  protect 
national  industry  by  high  duties  and  prohibi- 
tions, was  not  explored — and  even  if  it  had  been, 
there  existed  no  authority  competent  to  apply 
a  remedy. 

Among  the  expedients  employed,  emissions 
of  paper  money,  legal  tenders,  appraisement  acts, 
and  suspensions  of  the  operation  of  courts  of 
justice  in  regard  to  the  collection  of  debts,  were 
the  most  prominent.  These  were  but  misera- 
ble palliatives  of  a  disorder  arising  solely,  I  re- 
peat, from  the  destruction  of  the  national  indus- 
try, and  which  nothing  but  its  resuscitation 
could  remove. 

In  Massachusetts,  the  sufferings  rose  higher 
than  in  any  other  part  of  the  United  States. 
Riotous  collections  of  people  assembled  in  va- 
rious parts  at  the  periods  for  convening  the 
courts  of  common  pleas,  to  prevent  their  pro- 
ceedings, and  actually  in  every  instance  but  one, 
according  to  Judge  Marshal,  carried  their  pur- 
poses into  execution.  In  fact,  so  severe  was  the 
distress,  and  so  numerous  were  the  debtors, 
that  they  had  a  majority  in  the  legislature  more 
than  once.  The  evil  under  the  existing  form 
of  government  was  incurable.  It  ended  in  an 
open  insurrection,  under  Shays,  a  revolutionary 
officer,  which  was  crushed  by  the  energy  of 


(     38     ) 

governor  Bowdoin  and  his  council — and  the  de- 
cision of  generals  Lincoln  and  Sheppard. 

Some  idea  may  be  entertained  of  the  state  of 
public  affairs,  quite  as  deplorable  as  those  of  in- 
dividuals, from  the  circumstance  that  governor 
Bowdoin  having  raised  four  thousand  militia 
against  the  insurgents,  there  was  not  money 
enough  in  the  treasury  to  support  that  small 
army  for  one  week;  and  they  could  not  have 
been  marched  but  for  the  patriotism  of  a  number 
of  public-spirited  individuals,  who  subscribed  the 
sum  necessary  for  the  purpose. 

The  insurrection  produced  a  salutary  effect, 
by  spreading  a  conviction  of  the  utter  inefficacy 
of  the  existing  form  of  government,  and  of  the 
imperious  necessity  of  adopting  a  new  one.  The 
difficulty  under  which  the  federal  constitution 
laboured  in  its  progress,  notwithstanding  the  im- 
petus it  received  from  this  alarming  event, 
shews  that  it  would  have  probably  failed  of 
success,  had  not  the  public  distress  arrived  at  its 
highest  pitch. 

Those  of  our  citizens,  who  ascribe  the  exist- 
ing calamities  to  the  baleful  career  of  the  banks, 
are  advised  to  consider  this  parallel  case,  where- 
in banks  had  no  agency.  When  the  war  closed, 
there  was  but  one  bank  in  the  United  States, 
that  of  North  America,  located  in  the  city  of 
'Philadelphia,  with  a  capital  of  400,000  dollars. 


(     39     ) 

And  in  1785,  when  distress  and  misery  generate 
the  state,  many  of  the  citizens,  in  eastiJiey  can- 
to discover  the  source,  believed,  or  affected  to 
believe,  that  they  sprang  from  the  operation  of 
this  institution.  Accordingly  petitions  were  pre- 
sented to  the  legislature  to  repeal  its  charter. 
Counsel  were  heard  at  the  bar  of  the  house  for 
and  against  the  bank — the  late  respected  Judge 
Wilson  in  defence,  and  Jonathan  Dickinson  Sar- 
geant,  father  of  the  present  member  of  congress 
from  Philadelphia,  in  opposition.  The  state,  let 
it  be  observed,  was  then  divided  into  two  par- 
ties, very  violently  embittered  against  each 
other.  The  repeal  was  quite  a  party  question, 
and  decided  by  party  views.  The  majority  in  the 
legislature  were  hostile  to  the  institution,  and 
repealed  the  charter,  which  measure  they  re- 
garded as  a  sovereign  remedy  for1  all  the  exist- 
ing evils.  Had  the  repeal  been  effectual,  it  would 
have  multiplied  instead  of  diminishing  them. 
But  having  a  charter  from  congress,  the  bank 
set  the  legislature  at  defiance,  and  pursued  "  the 
even  tenor  of  its  way,"  unruffled  by  "  the  pelt- 
ings  of  the  pitiless  storm." 

It  may  gratify  curiosity  to  see  the  view  given 
of  the  tremendous  influence  which  was  conjured 
up  for  this  institution,  in  order  to  alarm  the 
citizens,  and  justify  the  repeal. 

The  committee  to  whom  the  petitions  were 
referred,  in  their  report  stated — 


governor  Ireigners  will  doubtless  be  more  and  more  in- 
Cision  of  foecome  stockholders,  until  the  time  may  arrive 

,,-^n  uffs  enormous  engine  of  power  may  become  subject  to 
"foreign  influence.  This  country  may  be  agitated  with  the 
"  politics  of  European  courts ;  and  the  good  people  of  Ame- 
"  rica  reduced  once  more  into  a  state  of  subordination  and  de- 
a pendence  upon  some  one  or  other  of  the  European  powers  ."'# 

On  the  17th  of  Feb.  in  the  year  1784,  the 
Massachusetts  Bank  was  incorporated,  with 
power  to  hold  in  real  estate  50,000/.  and  to 
raise  a  capital  stock  of  500,000?.  The  subscrip- 
tion did  not,  I  have  reason  to  believe,  exceed  at 
that  time  400,000  dollars. 

In  the  same  year,  the  state  of  New  York  in- 
corporated the  bank  of  that  name,  with  the  ex- 
tent of  whose  capital  I  am  unacquainted. 

These  were  the  only  banks  in  existence  in  the 
United  States,  previous  to  the  adoption  of  the 
federal  constitution.  And  as  distress  and  embar- 
rassment equally  pervaded  those  states  where 
there  were  none,  it  is  absurd  to  ascribe  the  evil 
to  those  institutions  where  they  existed. 

In  North  Carolina  there  were  two  emissions 
of  paper  money,  with  a  legal  tender,  from  1783 
to  1787.  They  depreciated  fifty  per  cent,  in  a 
short  time. 

The  following  extracts  will  convey  a  tolerably 
adequate  idea  of  the  state  of  affairs  during  the 


*  Journal  of  the  house  of  representatives,  March 
1785. 


:h   38, 


period  embraced  in  this  chapter,  and  exonerate 
me  from  the  charge  of  exaggeration.  They  can- 
not fail  to  be  worthy  the  attention  of  such  of 
our  statesmen  as  are  disposed  to  trace  na- 
tional calamities  to  their  proper  causes,  in  or- 
der to  guard  against  their  return  at  a  future 
period. 

"  In  every  part  of  these  states,  the  scarcity  of  money  has 
"  become  a  common  subject  of  complaint.  This  does  not 
44  seem  to  be  an  imaginary  grievance,  like  that  of  hard  times, 
44  of  which  men  have  complained  in  all  ages  of  the  world. 
"  The  misfortune  is  general,  and  in  many  cases  it  is  severely 
44  felt.  The  scarcity  of  money  is  so  great,  or  the  difficulty  of 
44  paying  debts  has  been  so  common,  that  riots  and  combina- 
44  tions  have  been  formed  in  many  places,  and  the  operations  of 
44 civil  government  have  been  suspended"* 

44  Goods  were  imported  to  a  much  greater  amount  than  could 
44  be  consumed  or  paid  for"  \ 

44  Thus  was  the  usual  means  of  remittance  by  articles  the 
44  growth  of  the  country,  almost  annihilated,  and  little  else 
44  than  specie  remained,  to  answer  the  demands  incurred  by 
"  importations.  The  money,  of  course,  was  drawn  ojf;  and 
44  this  being  inadequate  to  the  purpose  of  discharging  the  whole 
44  amount  of  foreign  contracts,  the  residue  was  chiefly  sunk  by 
44  the  bankruptcies  of  the  importers.  The  scarcity  of  specie, 
44  arising  principally  from  this  cause,  was  attended  withevi- 
44  dent  consequences  ;  it  checked  commercial  intercourse 
44  throughout  the  community,  and  furnished  reluctant 
44  debtors  with  an  apology  for  withholding  their  dues  both 
44  from  individuals  and  the  public. "j: 

*  Dr.  Hugh  Williamson. 

|  Minot's  history  of  the  Insurrection  in  Massachusetts, 
p.  2. 

\  Idem,  p.  13. 

6 


) 

"  On  opening  their  ports,  an  immense  quantity  of  foreign 
"  merchandize  was  introduced  into  the  country,  and  they  were 
u  tempted  by  the  sudden  cheapness  of  imported  'goods,  and  by 
"  their  own  wants,  to  purchase  beyond  their  capacities  for 
"  payment.  Into  this  indiscretion  they  were  in  some  mea* 
"  sure  beguiled  by  their  own  sanguine  calculations  on  the 
"  value  which  a  free  trade  would  bestow  on  the  produce  of 
"  their  soil,  and  by  a  reliance  on  those  evidences  of  the  pub- 
"  lie  debt  which  were  in  the  hands  of  most  of  them.  So  ex- 
u  travagantly  too  did  many  estimate  the  temptation  which 
"  equal  liberty  and  vacant  lands  would  hold  out  to  emi- 
"  grants  from  the  old  world,  as  to  entertain  the  opinion  that 
"  Europe  was  about  to  empty  itself  into  America,  and  that 
"  the  United  States  would  derive  from  that  source  such  an 
"  increase  of  population,  as  would  enhance  their  lands  to  a 
1  "  price  heretofore  not  even  conjectured."* 

"  The  bonds  of  men,  whose  competency  to  pay  their  debts 
"  was  unquestionable,  could  not  be  negociated  but  at  a  dis- 
"  count  of  thirty,  forty,  and  ffty  per  centum  :  real  property 
"was  scarcely  vendible;  and  sales  of  any  articles  for  ready 
''money  could  be  made  only  at  a  ruinous  loss.  The  pros- 
"  pect  of  extricating,  the  country  from  those  embarrassments 
"  was  by  no  means  flattering.  Whilst  every  thing  else  fluc- 
"  tuated,  some  of  the  causes  which  produced  this  calami- 
a'tous  state  of  things  were  permanent.  The  hope  and  fear 
"  still  remained,  that  the  debtor  party  would  obtain  the  vio 
"  tory  at  the  elections  ;  and  instead  of  making  the  painful 
"  effort  to  obtain  relief  by  industry  and  economy,  many 
"  rested  all  their  hopes  on  legislative  interference.  The  mass 
"  of  national  labour  and  national -wealth,  was  consequently  di- 
"  minis hed!"\ 

"  But  the  public  treasury  did  not  afford  the  means  of 
"  keeping  this  force  (under  Lincoln)  in  the  field  a  single 
"  week :  and  the  legislature  not  being  in  session,  the  consti- 
tuted authorities  were  incapable  of  putting  the  troops  in 


*  Marshal's  Life  of  Washington,  V.  p.  75. 
ildem,  p.  88. 


(     43     ) 

"motion.    This  difficulty  was  removed  by  individual  pa- 
"  triotism  !"* 

"  Property,  when  brought  to  sale  wider  execution,  sold  at  so 
"  hw  a  price  as  frequently  ruined  the  debtor  without  paying 
"  the  creditor.  A  disposition  to  resist  the  laws  became  com- 
"  mon :  assemblies  were  called  oftener  and  earlier  than  the 
"constitution  or  laws  required."! 

"  Laws  were  passed  by  which  property  of  every  kind  was 
"  made  a  legal  tender  in  the  payment  of  debts,  though  pay- 
"  able  according  to  contract  in  gold  or  silver.  Other  laws 
u  installed  the  debt,  so  that  of  sums  already  due,  only  a 
"  third,  and  afterwards  only  a  fifth,  was  annually  recover- 
"  able  in  the  courts  of  law.'^ 

"  Silver  and  gold,  which  had  circulated  largely  in  the  latter 
"  years  of  the  -war,  were  returning  by  the  usual  course  of  trade, 
"  to  those  countries,  whence  large  quantities  of  necessary  and 
"  unnecessary  commodities  had  been  imported.  Had  any  gene- 
"  ral  system  of  impost  been  adopted,  some  part  of  this 
"  money  might  have  been  retained,  and  some  part  of  the 
"  public  debt  discharged  ;  but  the  power  of  Congress  did 
M  not  extend  to  this  object ;  and  the  states  were  not  united 
"  in  the  expediency  of  delegating  new  and  sufficient  powers 
"  to  that  body.  The  partial  imposts,  laid  by  some  of  the 
"  states,  were  ineffectual,  as  long  as  others  found  their  in- 
"  terest  in  omitting  them."§ 

"  The  people  of  New  Hampshire  petitioned  ;  and  to 
"  gratify  them  the  legislature  enacted,  that  when  any  debtor 
"shall  tender  to  his  creditor,  in  satisfaction  of  an  execution  for 
"  debt,  either  real  or  personal  estate  sufficient,  the  body  of  the 
u  debtor  shall  be  exempt  from  imprisonment,  and  the  debt 
"  shall  carry  an  interest  of  six  per  cent. ;  the  creditor  being 
u  at  liberty  either  to  receive  the  estate,  so  tendered,  at  a 
a  value  estimated  by  three  appraisers,  or  to  keep  alive  the 

*  Idem,  p.  121. 

f  Ramsay's  S.  Carolina,  II.  p.  428. 

\  Belknap's  History  of  New  Hampshire,  II.  p.  352. 

§  Idem,  p.  356. 


(     44     ) 

"  demand  by  taking  out  an  alias,  within  one  year  after  the 
"  return  of  any  former  execution,  and  levying  it  on  any 
"  estate  of  the  debtor  which  he  can  find."* 

This  distressing  state  of  things  accounts  for 
a  fact  which  has  always  excited  deep  regret, 
and  which,  I  believe,  has  never  been  traced  to 
its  source.  I  mean  the  depreciation  of  the  pub- 
lic securities,  which  the  holders  were  obliged 
to  part  with  at  ten,  twelve  and  fifteen  cents  in 
the  dollar,  whereby  a  large  portion  of  the  warm- 
est friends  of  the  revolution,  who  had  risked 
their  lives  and  embarked  their  entire  property 
in  its  support,  were  wholly  ruined,  and  many  of 
its  deadly  enemies  most  immoderately  enriched. 
Never  was  Virgil's  celebrated  line  more  ap- 
plicable— 


Sic  vos — non  vobis,  mellificatis,  apes. 


. 


The  reader  is  requested  to  bear  these  pic- 
tures of  distress  in  mind,  during  the  perusal  of 
the  chapter  in  which  I  propose  to  investigate  the 
causes  assigned  for  the  evils  under  which  the 
community  labours  at  present.  They  shed  strong 
light  on  the  subject. 

Well  as  I  am  aware  of  the  pertinacious  ad- 
herence of  mankind  to  theory,  and  the  difficulty 
of  breaking  the  intellectual  chains  by  which  it 


*  Idem,  p.  429. 


(     45     ) 

holds  the  mind,  I  cannot  refrain  from  again  urging 
the  strong  case  of  this  country  at  that  period  on 
the  most  serious. consideration  of  the  disciples 
of  Adam  Smith,  Say,  Ricardo,  and  the  other 
political  economists  of  that  school-    It  ought  to 
dispel  for  ever  the  mists,  on  the  subject  of  un- 
restrained commerce,  which  that  abstruse  work, 
the   Wealth   of  Nations,    has   spread   abroad. 
Here  the  system  had  fair  scope  for  operation. 
The  ports  of  this  country,  I  repeat,  were  open 
to  the  commerce  of  the  whole  world,  with  an 
impost  so  light  as  not  even  to  meet  the  wants 
of  the  treasury.    The  consequences  followed, 
which  have  never  failed  to  follow  such  a  state 
of  things.    Our  markets  were  glutted.    Prices 
fell.    Competition  on  the  part  of  our  manufac- 
turers was  at  an  end.  They  were  beggared  and 
bankrupted.  The  merchants,  whose  importations 
had  ruined  them,  were  themselves  involved  in 
the  calamity.    And  the  farmers  who  had  felici- 
tated themselves  on  the  grand  advantage  of 
"buying    foreign    merchandize   cheap,"    sunk 
likewise  into  the  vortex  of  general  destruction. 
Would  to  heaven  that  the  precious  and  in- 
valuable lessons  these  facts  afford  may  not  in 
future  be  thrown  away  on  our  statesmen  and  the 
nation  at  large !  Had  they  been  duly  attended 
to,  at  the  close  of  tire  late  war,   the  United 
States,  instead  of  the  afflicting  scenes  they  now 
exhibit,  would  present  a  picture  of  prosperity, 


46     ) 

public  and  private,  which  would  have  realized 
the  fondest  anticipations  of  the  philosophers  of 
both  hemispheres — anticipations  which  have 
been  most  lamentably  disappointed — and  "  like 
the  baseless  fabric  of  a  vision,"  scarcely  "  left  a 
trace  behind." 


CHAPTER  III. 

Adoption  of  the  federal  constitution.  Its  happy 
effects.  Utter  impolicy  of  the  tariff.  Manufac- 
tures and  manufacturers  not  protected.  Hamil- 
ton^ s  celebrated  report.  Glaring  inconsistency. 
Excise  system.  Its  unproductiveness. 

THE  adoption  of  the  federal  constitution  ope- 
rated like  magic ;  produced  a  total  change  in 
the  state  of  affairs ;  and  actually  removed  no 
small  portion  of  the  public  suffering,  by  the  con- 
fidence it  inspired,  even  before  the  measures  of 
the  government  could  be  carried  into  effect. 

The  United  States  began  their  career  in  1789 
with  advantages  never  exceeded,  rarely  equalled. 
The  early  administrators  of  the  government 
had  a  high  degree  of  responsibility.  They  were 
laying  the  foundations  of  an  empire  which  may 
be  the  most  extensive  and  powerful  the  world 
ever  knew,  and  whose  destinies  they  held  in 
their  hands. 

The  tariff  was  fraught  with  errors  of  the  most 
grievous  kind.  Disregarding  the  examples  and 
the  systems  of  the  wisest  nations  of  Europe,  it 
was  calculated  to  sacrifice  the  resources  of  the 


country  for  the  benefit  of  foreign  manufacturing 
nations.  And  indeed  had  it  been  framed  by  an 
agent  of  any  of  those  nations,  it  could  not  have 
answered  the  purpose  better.  It  afforded  them 
nearly  all  the  benefits  usually  derived  from  colo- 
nies, without  the  expense  of  their  support. 
It  deprived  our  manufacturing  citizens  of  all  the 
advantages  of  reciprocity  in  their  intercourse 
with  the  rest  of  the  world. 

The  era  is  not  long  passed  over,  when  any 
man  who  dared  to  arraign  the  conduct  of  the 
early  congresses  under  the  federal  constitution, 
and  accuse  them  of  having  established  tariffs 
•which  sacrificed  the  dearest  interests  of  their 
country,  and  clipped  its  wings  in  its  flight  to- 
wards the  high  destinies  to  which  its  extent,  its 
government,  the  energies  of  the  people,  and  the 
great  variety  of  other  advantages  which  it  pos- 
sessed, bid  it  aspire,  would  be  regarded  with 
jealousy,  and  covered  with  obloquy.  The  voice 
of  reason,  of  truth,  and  of  history,  would  have 
been  smothered  amidst  the  loud  clamours  of 
prejudice  and  party.  But  I  trust  the  fatal  results 
of  the  system  have  prepared  the  public  mind 
to  hear  with  patience,  and  judge  with  candour, 
the  facts  on  which  I  ground  these  opinions,  and 
the  inductions  I  draw  from  them. 

To  those  ,who  consider  the  mode  in  which 
the  members  of  congress  are  elected — the  vari- 
ous quarters  from  which  they  come — the  differ- 


(     49     ) 

cnt  degrees  of  illumination  that  prevail  in  the 
districts  they  respectively  represent — how  many 
neglect  to  prepare  themselves  fully  for  the 
stations  they  occupy — it  will  not  appear  wonder- 
ful that  the  views  of  a  portion  of  them  are  con- 
tracted, and  do  not  embrace  on  a  broad  and  com- 
prehensive scale,  the  interests  of  the  nation  as 
one  grand  whole. 

The  want  of  adequate  protection  to  the  pro- 
ductive industry  of  the  manufacturers,  conspicu- 
ous in  the  first  and  the  succeeding  tariffs,  may 
be  accounted  for  from  the  concurrence  in  one 
object,  of  four  descriptions  of  citizens,  whose 
particular  views,  however,  were  entirely  dif- 
ferent. 

I.  The  most  influential  members  of  the  mer- 
cantile class  have  appeared  at  all  times  jealous 
of  the  manufacturers,  and  been  disposed  to  re- 
gard adequate  protection  to  them  as  injurious  to 
the  prosperity  of  commerce.    Hence  they  have 
too  generally  and  too  successfully  opposed  pro- 
hibitions and  prohibitory  duties  as  limiting  their 
importations  of  bale  goods.  Although  there  are 
many  gentlemen  of  this  class  whose  views  are 
expanded  and  liberal,  there  is  a  large  proportion 
whose  opposition  remains  unabated. 

II.  The  agriculturists  too  have  been  equally 
jealous  of  the  manufacturers — opposed  the  im- 
position of  duties  adequate  to  the  protection  of 
their  fellow  citizens — and  not  allowed  a  single 

7 


article  to  be  prohibited.  They  dreaded  an  ex- 
travagant rise  of  price  as  a  necessary  result  of 
securing  the  home  market  to  our  own  citizens. 
It  does  not  appear  to  have  ever  entered  into 
their  calculations,  that,  in  a  country  like  the 
United  States,  where  monopolies  are  excluded, 
and  where  industry  and  enterprize  so  generally 
prevail,  and  are  so  wholly  uncontrolled,  the  com- 
petition would,  to  use  the  words  of  Alexander 
Hamilton,  assuredly  "  bring  prices  to  their  proper 
level" 

III.  The  third  description  comprised  the  dis- 
ciples of  Adam  Smith,  who  contended  that  trade 
ought  to  be  allowed   to   regulate   itself — that 
commerce  should  be  left  unrestrained — that  all 
nations  ought  to  buy  wherever  they  could  pro- 
cure articles  cheapest,  #$c.  $jc. 

IV.  The  fourth  class  considered  themselves, 
and  were  regarded  by  others,  as  of  a  higher  or- 
der. The  whole  of  their  political  economy  was, 
however,  confined  within  very  narrow  limits. 
It  never  travelled  beyond  the  collection  of  reve- 
nue. The  ways  and  means  were  their  alpha  and 
omega,  their  sine  qua  non.  Provided  the  trea- 
sury was  overflowing,  they  had  neither  eyes,  nor 
ears,  nor  tongue  for  any  other  object.     The 
spread  of  bankruptcy  throughout  our  cities— 
the  decay  of  splendid  manufacturing  establish- 
ments— the  distress  of  thousands  of  useful  men 

wailings  of  helpless  women  and  children 


(     51     ) 

— never  excited  any  alarm.  The  importation  of 
foreign  goods,  to  the  amount  of  60,000,000 
dollars,  which  exhausted  the  country  of  its 
specie,  produced  almost  universal  distress  and 
devoted  thousands  of  workmen  to  idleness, 
and  part  of  them  to  beggary,  was  a  subject  of 
rejoicing — for  it  brought  15,000,000  dollars  into 
the  treasury  !  This  was  the  salve  for  every  sore 
— the  panacea,  which,  like  the  waters  of  the  Jor- 
dan, cleansed  off  all  the  ulcers  and  foulnesses  of 
the  body  politic. 

This  statement  may  appear  too  severe.  But 
I  beg  the  reader  will  not  decide  on  the  correct- 
ness or  incorrectness  of  it,  till  he  has  read 
the  chapter  on  the  contumelious  and  unfeeling 
neglect  of  the  pathetic  applications  of  the  manu- 
facturers to  congress  for  relief  in  1816,  1817, 
and  1818. 

The  views  of  these  four  descriptions  of  citi- 
zens were  aided  by  the  extensive  prevalence  of 
a  host  of  prejudices,  which  were  sedulously  in- 
culcated by  foreign  agents,  whose  wealth  and 
prosperity  depended  on  keeping  this  market 
open  to  their  fabrics,  and  repressing  the  growth 
of  our  manufactures. 

1.  The  idea  of  the  immense  superiority  of  agri- 
cultural pursuits  and  agriculturists  over  manu- 
factures and  manufacturers,  was  almost  univer- 
sally prevalent.  It  had  been  fondly  cherished  by 
Great  Britain  and  her  friends  here  during  the 


colonial  state  of  the  country,  and  long  after- 
wards :  and  no  small  portion  of  the  citizens  of 
the  United  States  were  unable  to  divest  their 
minds  of  the  colonial  trammels,  when  the  coun- 
try assumed  its  independent  rank  among  na- 
tions. 

2.  The  same  keen  sensibility  on  the  subject 
of  smuggling  was  manifested,  as  we  have  so 
often  witnessed  more  recently.  This  was  assign- 
ed as  a  reason  for  admitting  three-fourths  of  all 
the  manufactured  merchandize  under  a  duty 
of  five  per  cent.! ! 

3.  The  miserable  outcry  on  the  subject  of 
"  taxing  the  many  for  the  benefit  of  the  few," 
which  is  still  used  as   a  sort  of  war  whoop 
against  the  manufacturers,  was  then  in  full  force. 

4.  The  back  lands,  it  was  asserted,  ought  to 
be  cultivated  before  the  labour  of  our  citizens 
was  diverted  off  to  manufactures. 

5.  The  high  price  of  labour  in  this  country 
was  by  many  regarded  as  an  insuperable  bar. 
and  a  proof  that  "  we  were  not  yet  ripe  for  ma- 
nufactures." 

6.  The  demoralization  asserted  to  be  inse- 
parable from  manufacturing  establishments,  was 

among  the  prominent  objections. 


There  is  a  magic  in  great  names  which  ren- 
ders their  errors  highly  pernicious.   That  Mr. 


Jefferson  is  a  truly  great  man,  is  now,  I  believe, 
universally  admitted,  since  the  baleful  passions, 
excited  by  party,  have  subsided,  and  the  atro- 
cious calumnies  with  which,  in  the  days  of  fac- 
tion and  delusion,  he  was  overwhelmed,  have 
sunk  into  deserved  oblivion.  But  that  he  has 
had  no  small  degree  of  instrumentality  in  giving 
currency  to  the  system  we  have  pursued,  it 
would  be  vain  to  deny.  He  has  drawn  a  con- 
trast between  manufactures  and  agriculture,  so 
immensely  advantageous  to  the  latter,  as  to  have 
fostered  the  old,  and  excited  new  prejudices 
against  the  former,  many  of  which  still  maintain 
their  sway.  Mr.  Jefferson  was  born,  brought  up 
and  lived  in  a  slave-holding  state,  a  large  portion 
of  the  industry  of  which  is  devoted  to  the  cul- 
ture of  tobacco,  one  of  the  most  pernicious 
kinds  of  employment  in  the  world.  It  more 
completely  exhausts  the  soil,  and  debases  and 
wears  out  the  wretched  labourer,  than  any  other 
species  of  cultivation.  How,  under  such  circum- 
stances, he  could  have  drawn  such  a  captivating 
picture  of  the 'labours  of  the  field,  it  is  difficult 
to  say.  His  Arcadia  must  have  been  sought,  not 
in  Virginia  or  Maryland,  but  in  the  tales  of 
Chaucer  or  sir  Philip  Sydney. 

This  is  not  a  place  to  enter  into  a  comparison 
of  these  occupations,  otherwise  the  boasted  supe- 
riority might  be  found  not  to  rest  on  so  stable  a 
basis  as  is  generally  supposed. 

Mr.  Jefferson  lately  retracted  his  opinions  on 


those  subjects.  In  a  letter  to  B.  Austin,  Esq.  of 
Boston,  he  distinctly  states  : — 

"  To  be  independent  for  the  comforts  of  life,  we  must 
"fabricate  them  ourselves.  We  must  now  place  the  manufac* 
"  turer  by  the  side  of  the  agriculturist" 

"  Experience  has  taught  me,  that  manufactures  are  now 
as  necessary  to  our  independence,  as  to  our  comfort" 

In  order  to  justify  the  character  I  have  given 
of  the  taritF  of  1789,  I  annex  a  description  of 
two  tariffs,  one  calculated  to  protect  and  pro- 
mote individual  industry  and  national  prosperity, 
and  the  other  to  destroy  both. 


FEATURES. 


Jl  sound  tariff  Jl  pernicious  tariff 

1.  Renders  revenue  subservient  1.  Regards  revenue  as  the  grand 
to  the  promotion  of  individual  in-  object  of  solicitude. 

dustry  and  national  prosperity.  2.  Prohibits  no  article  whatever, 

2.  Prohibits  such  articles  as  can  however    competent    the    country 
be  fully  supplied  at  home  on  rea-  may  be  to  supply  itself. 

sonable  terms.  3.   Imposes  such  low  duties  on 

3.  Imposes  heavy  duties  on  arti-  manufactures,  as,  while  they  serve 
tides   interfering1   with   the   rising  the  purposes  of  revenue,  cannot  pro- 
manufactures  of  the  counti  y.  mote  national  industry,  or  prevent 

4.  Admits  articles  that  do  not  in-  or  materially  check  importation, 
terfere  with   the   manufactures  of  4.    Raises  as  large  a  portion  of 
the  nation  on  light  duties.  the   revenue   as   possible    on   arti- 
cles not  interfering  with  the  manu* 
factures  of  the  nation. 

CONSEQUENCES. 

JL  sound  tariff  Jl  pernicious  tariff 

Secures  employment  to  industry,        Deprives  a  large  portion  of  the 
capital,  talent,  and  enterprize.  industry,  capital,  talent,  and  enter- 

Preserves  the  circulating  medium,     prize  of  the   citizens   of    employ, 
and  daily  adds  to  the  wealth,  power,     ment. 

and  resources  of  the  nation.  Drains  aw*iy  the  circulating  me- 

Extends  prosperity  and  happiness    dium,  and  exhausts  the  national  re- 
in every  direction.  sources. 

Spreads  misery  anddistress  through 
the  country,  as  we  find  by  dear 
Bought  experience. 


(     55     ) 

If  the  tariff  in  question  be  tried  by  this  stand- 
ard, which  1  trust  will  be  found  correct,  and  by 
its  results,  I  shall  be  exonerated  from  censure.  It 
was  extremely  simple.  It  enumerated  about  thirty 
manufactured  articles,  subject  to  seven  and  a 
half  and  ten  per  cent,  duty — Coaches,  chaises, 
S;c.  to  fifteen — and  about  eight  or  ten  to  spe- 
cific duties.  All  the  remainder  were  thrown 
together,  as  non-enumerated,  and  subject  to  Jive 
per  cent.!!  Its  protection  of  agriculture  is  re- 
served as  the  subject  of  another  chapter. 


Blank  books, 

Paper, 

Paper  hangings, 

Cabinet  wares, 

Buttons, 

Saddles, 

Tanned  leather, 

Anchors, 

Wrought  iron, 

Gloves, 

Millenery, 


At  7\  per  cent. 

Tin  and  pewter  ware, 

Canes, 

Whips, 

Ready  made  clothing, 

Brushes, 

Gold,  silver,  and  plated  ware, 

Jewelry, 

Paste  work, 

Manufactures  of  leather, 

Hats. 


At  10  per  cent. 


Looking  glasses, 
Window  and  other  glass, 
Gunpowder, 

China,   stone  -and   earthen 
ware, 


Buckles, 

Gold  and  silver  lace, 

Gold  and  silver  leaf, 

Paints. 


At  15  per  cent. 
Coaches,  chariots,  chaises,  solos,  &c. 


Subject  to  specific  duties.        H 

Cents.  Cents, 

Boots,  per  pair            -  50  Untarred  cordage  and 

Leather  shoes  7  yarn,  per  cwt.                 90 

Silk  shoes  or  slippers  -  10  Twine  or  pack  thread, 

Cables,  pver  cwt.     -     -  75  per  cwt.                         200 

Tarred  cordage,  do.     -  75  Wool  and  cotton  cards, 

Unwrought  steel,  per  Ib.  56  per  dozen         -                50 


Non-enumerated  articles,  subject  to  5  per  cent. 


Bricks, 

Brass  in  sheets, 
Brazing  copper, 
Combs, 
Clocks, 

Copper  bottoms, 
Hair  powder, 
Inkpowder, 

Linens  and  other  manufac- 
tures of  flax, 
Maps  and  Charts, 
Paints, 

Printed  books, 
Paintings, 
Silks, 
Slates, 
Starch, 
Sealing  wax, 
Worsted  shoes, 
Brass  manufactures, 
China  ware, 


Cannon, 
Cutlery, 

Cotton  goods  of  all  kinds, 
Fire  arms, 
Gilt  wares, 
Hempen  cloth, 
Iron  manufactures, 
Japanned  wares, 
Lead  manufactures, 
Muskets, 
Printing  types, 
Pottery, 
Pins, 

Steel  manufactures, 
Stone  ware, 
Side  arms, 
Sail  cloth, 
Tin  wares, 
Wood  manufactures, 
Woollen  goods  of  every  ki 
&c.  &c. 


In  order  to  form  a  correct  estimate  of  the 
effect  of  those  duties  as  protection,  it  is  neces- 
sary to  take  a  view  of  the  situation  of  this  coun- 
try and  of  those  with  which  our  citizens  were  to 


compete — which  were  principally,  Great  Bri- 
tain, France,  Germany,  and  the  East  Indies. 

The  United  States  had  recently  emerged  from 
a  desolating  war  of  seven  years  duration,  and 
a  peace  of  six  years  had  heen  as  destructive  to 
their  resources.  Their  manufacturers  were  pos- 
sessed of  slender  capitals,  and  as  slender  credit. 
Workmen  were  inexperienced — and  wages  high. 
All  the  expenses,  moreover,  of  incipient  under- 
takings were  to  be  encountered.  The  chief 
counterbalance  for  all  these  disadvantages,  was 
the  freight  and  commission  on  the  rival  arti- 
cles. 

Great  Britain  possessed  every  possible  advan- 
tage in  the  conflict.  Her  manufacturers  had  the 
secure  possession  of  their  domestic  market — 
and  had  only  to  send  their  surplus  productions 
to  this  country — their  machinery  was  excellent 
-they  had  drawbacks,  in  general  equal  to,  and 
often  greater  than,  the  expenses  of  transporta- 
tion— skilful  workmen — and  wages  compara- 
tively low.  Her  merchants  were  possessed  of 
immense  capitals,  and  gave  most  liberal  credits. 

The  cheapness  of  living  and  labour  in  France, 
Germany,  and  more  particularly  in  the  East 
Indies,  afforded  the  people  of  those  countries 
advantages  over  our  manufacturers,  only  inferior 
to  those  enjoyed  by  Great  Britain. 

Under  these  circumstances,  I  trust  it  will  be 
admitted  by  every  man  of  candour  that  it  would 

8 


(     38     ) 

be  a  mere  mbckery  and  insult  to  common  sense, 
to  pretend  that  five  per  cent.,  which,  as  appears 
above,  was  the  duty  on  seven-eighths  of  all  the 
manufactured  articles  imported  into  this  country, 
was  imposed  with  a  view  to  protection.  Revenue 
alone  was  the  object. 

Having  to  struggle  with  such  a  lamentably 
impolitic  system,  it  is  wonderful  that  our  manu- 
factures made  any  progress.  It  reflects  great 
credit  on  our  citizens,  that  they  were  able  to 
emerge  from  such  an  overwhelming  mass  of 
difficulties,  as  they  had  to  encounter. 

While  the  grand  leading  manufactures  of  cot- 
ton, wool,  iron,  steel,  lead,  flax,  and  pottery  ; 
were  thus  subject  to  only  five  per  cent,  duty, 
lest  smuggling  should  be  encouraged,  it  may 
afford  some  gratification  to  curiosity  to  exhibit 
a  statement  of  the  very  high  duties  on  tea,  coffee, 
rum,  §c.  which  were  wholly  unrestrained  by  any 
fear  of  smuggling. 


1789. 

Price. 

Duty. 

Per  cent. 

Souchong,  per  Ib.     -     -     -     - 

39 

AQ 

10 

9O 

25      • 
AO 

Bohea           do.         .... 
Madeira,  per  gallon  .... 
Jamaica  rum,  do.     -     -     -     - 

15 
100 
40 
1  91 

6 
18 
10 

01 

40 
18 
25 

9O 

i~2 
z 

^2 
1  1 

^O 

Salt,  per  bushel      -     -     -     -     - 

12 

A2 

6 

50 

Thus  a  yard  of  broad  cloth  or  muslin,  value 
four  dollars,  paid  no  more  duty  than  a  pound 
of  hyson  tea,  value  49  cents ! 


(     59     ) 

The  amount  of  goods  subject  to  ad  valorem 
duties,  imported  in  1789,  1790,  and  1791,  was 
as  follows — 


Per  cent. 

1789. 

1790. 

1791. 

5 

n 

10 
12$ 
15 

S  7,136,578 
520,182 
305,248 
5 
2,700 

§  14,605,713 
1,067,143 

699,149 

4,876 

SI  1,036,477 
*  7,708,337 
1,114,463 
314,206 
5,654 

§7,969,731 

S  16,376,881 

§19,179,137* 

The  duties  oh  the  above  were  about  2,600, 
000  dollars:  and  the  whole  amount  of  the  im- 
post for  those  three  years,  was  8  6,494,225 
dollars.f 

The  residue,  about  3,800,000,  was  collected 
principally  from  teas,  wines,  sugar,  salt,  spirits, 
spices,  and  coffee  !  This  completely  justifies  the 
character  of  the  tariff,  that  as  large  a  portion  as 
possible  of  the  impost  was  levied  on  articles 
not  interfering  with  national  industry ;  and  that 
the  duties  on  -manufactured  merchandize  wrere 
as  light  as  the  exigencies  of  the  *  government 
would  admit. 

The  manufacturers  at  this  period,  as  they 
have  done  so  often  since,  besought  the  protec- 
tion and  threw  themselves  on  the  liberality  of 
congress ;  but  they  experienced  the  same  de- 
gree of  slight  as  they  have  done  in  1816-17. 
On  the  eleventh  of  April,  1789,  Samuel  Smith, 


Seybert,  158. 


j  Idem,  395. 


(      60     ) 

Esq.  of  Maryland,  presented  to  congress  a 
inorial  from  the  manufacturers  of  Baltimore, 
stating — 

44  That  since  the  close  of  the  late  war,  and  the  completion 

44  of  the  revolution,  they  have  observed  with  serious  regret 

44  the  manufacturing  and  the  trading  interest  of  the  country 

"  rapidly  declining,  and  the  attempts  of  the  state  legislatures 

44  to  remedy  the  evil,  failing  of  their  object;  that  in  the 

44  present  melancholy  state  of  our  country,  the  number  of 

44  poor  increasing  for  want  of  employment,  foreign   debts 

"  accumulating,  houses  and  lands  depreciating  in  value,  and 

44  trade  and-  manufactures  languishing  and  expiring ;  they 

44  look  up  to  the  supreme  legislature  of  the  United  States, 

44  as  the  guardians  of  the  whole  empire,  and  from  their  uni- 

44  ted  wisdom  and  patriotism,  and  ardent  love  of  their  coun- 

"  try,  expect  to  derive  that  aid  and  assistance,  which  alone 

"  can  dissipate  their  just  apprehensions,  and  animate  them 

44  with  hopes  of  success  in  future  ;  by  imposing  on  all  foreign 

44  articles,  which  can  be  made  in  America,  such  duties  as  will 

"give  a  just  and  decided  preference  to  their  labours  ;  discoun- 

"  tenancing  that  trade  which  tends  so  materially  to  injure 

"  them  and  impoverish  their  country ;  measures  which  in 

44  their  consequences  may  contribute  to  the  discharge  of  the 

44  national  debt,  and  the  due  support  of  government ;  that 

44  they  have  annexed  a  list  of  such  articles  as  are,  or  can 

44  be  manufactured  amongst  them,  and  humbly  trust  in  the 

44  wisdom  of  the  legislature  to  grant  them,  in  common  with 

44  other  mechanics  and  manufacturers  of  the  United  States, 

44  that  relief  that  may  appear  proper."* 

It  would  require  a  long  chapter  to  develope 
the  utter  impolicy  of  this  tariff,  and  its  inauspi- 
cious effects  on  the  industry  and  happiness  of  a 


Debates  of  Congress,  I.  29. 


(     61     ) 

large  portion  of  our  citizens,  and  on  the  national 
prosperity.  My  limits  forbid  me  to  display  the 
whole  of  its  deformity.  I  annex  one  further 
view  of  it : 

In  1793,  the  amount  of  merchandize  imported 

at  7£  and  8  per  cent,  was  about      -  $  15,328,000* 

On  which  the  net  duty  was  about  -     g  1,151,000 

This  included  all  articles  of  clothing,  whether 
cotton,  woollen,  or  silk,  (except  India  goods, 
subject  to  twelve  and  a  half  per  cent.) 

The  net  duty  on  coffee  for  the  same  year  was   8  l,226,724f 

Or  nearly  ten  per  cent,  more  than  on  the  whole 
of  the  clothing  of  the  nation  ! 

Let  us  examine  how  this  might  have  been  ar- 
ranged for  the  promotion  of  the  prosperity  of 
the  country. 

Suppose  that  the  duty  on  coffee  had  been  re- 
duced so  as  to  raise  only  -  $  700,000 

And  that  the  duty  on  cotton  and  woollen  goods 
had  been  raised  to  2O  per  cent.,  which  might 
have  reduced  the  importation  to  S  8,50O,OOO, 
and  produced  -  1,700,000 

£>  2,400,000 


which  is  beyond  the  aggregate  of  the  duties 
stated. 

*  Seybert,  158.  f  Idem,  438. 


Or,  suppose  that  the  duty  on  coffee  had  re- 
mained  unaltered,  and  on  cottons  and  woollens 
been  increased  to  25  per  cent. — and  that  the 
importations  had  been  diminished  to  5.000,000 
of  dollars,  the  revenue  would  have  been  unim- 
paired. 

What  an  immense  difference !  In  one  case 
nearly  7,000',000,  and  in  the  other  10,000,000 
of  dollars  saved  to  the  country !  Three  or*1four 
hundred  thousand  people  rendered  happy!  A 
market  for  the  farmers  for  probably  3,000,000 
Ibs.  of  wool !  and  for  the  planters  for  4,000,000 
Ibs.  of  cotton ! 

But  it  is  a  humiliating  truth,  that  very  few  of 
our  statesmen  have  ever  predicated  their  mea- 
sures on  national  views.  They  are  almost  all 
sectional.  They  do  not  fall  within  Rousseau's 
description : — 

u  It  belongs  to  the  real  statesman  to  elevate  his  views  in  thz 
"  imposition  of  taxes,  above  the  mere  object  of  finance,  and  tJ 
"transform  them  into  useful  regulations"  » 

It  is  a  melancholy  operation  for  a  real  friend 
to  the  honour,  power,  resources,  and  happiness 
of  the  United  States,  to  compare  the  tariff  of 
1789,  and  the  principles  on  which  it  is  predi- 
cated,  with  the  preamble  to  a  law  of  the  state  of 
Pennsylvania,  passed  anno  1785,  four  years  be- 
fore. The  sound  policy,  the  fostering  care  of  its 
citizens,  and  of  the  resources  of  the  state  display- 


(      63     ) 

eel  in  the  latter,  form  a  strong  and  decisive  con- 
trast with  the  utter  impolicy  of  the  tariff. 

SECT.  I.  "  Whereas  divers  useful  and  beneficial  arts 
"  and  manufactures  have  been  gradually  introduced  into 
"  Pennsylvania,  and  the  same  have  at  length  risen  to  a 
u  very  considerable  extent  and  perfection,  insomuch  that 
u  during1  the  late  "war  between  the  United  States  of  America 
"  and  Great  Britain,  when  the  importation  of  European  goods 
"  was  mucli  interrupted,  and  of  ten  very  difficult  and  uncertain, 
"  the  artisans  and  mechanics  of  this  state,  were  able  to  supply 
"  in  the  hours  of  need,  not  only  large  quantities  of  weapons 
"  and  other  implements,  but  also  ammunition  and  clothing, 
"  without  which  the  war  could  not  have  been  carried  on,  where- 
u  by  their  oppressed  country  was  greatly  assisted  and  relieved. 

SECT.  ii.  "  And  whereas,  although  the  fabrics  and  manu- 
"factures  of  Europe  and  other  foreign  parts,  imported  into  this 
u  country  in  times  of  peace,  may  be  afforded  at  cheaper  rates 
"  than  they  can  be  mdde  here,  yet  good  policy  and  a  regard  to 
"  the  well  being  of  divers  useful  and  industrious  citizens,  who 
"  are  employed  in  the  making  of  like  goods  in  this  state,  de- 
"  mandofus  that  moderate  duties  be  laid  on  certain  fabrics  and 
"  manufactures  imported,  which  do  most  interfere  with,  and 
'"which  (if  no  relief  be  given) -will  undermine  and  destroy  the, 
"  useful  manufactures  of  the  like  kind  in  this  country :  For  this 
"  purpose,'"  &c.  &c. 

In  the  year  1790,  Alexander  Hamilton,  who 
saw  the  errors  of  the  tariff  of  the  preceding 
year,  presented  congress  with  his  celebrated  Re- 
port on  Manufactures,  the  most  perfect  and  lu- 
minous work  ever  published  on  the  subject.  It 
embraces  all  the  great  principles  of  the  science 
of  political  economy,  respecting  that  portion  of 
the  national  industry  applied  to  manufactures.. 


and  is  admirably  calculated  to  advance  the 
happiness  of  the  people,  and  the  wealth,  power, 
and  resources  of  nations.  It  more  richly  de- 
serves the  title  of  "  The  Wealth  of  Nations,5' 
than  the  celebrated  work  that  bears  the  name. 
This  Report  swept  away,  by  the  strongest  argu- 
ments, all  the  plausible  objections  on  which  the 
paralizing  influence  of  the  tariff  rested  for  sup- 
port. The  lucid  reasoning,  as  level  to  the  most 
common  capacity,  as  to  the  most  profound 
statesman,  is  not  enveloped  in  those  abstrac- 
tions and  metaphysical  subtleties  which  abound 
in  most  of  the  books  on  this  subject,  and  which, 
like  the  airy  spectres  of  the  dreamer,  elude  the 
grasp  of  the  mind. 

I  annex  a  few  of  those  grand  and  sublime 
truths,  with  which  this  work  abounds,  and  which 
bear  the  strongest  testimony  against,  and  con- 
demnation of,  the  course  which  this  country  has 
pursued. 

"  The  substitution  of  foreign  for  domestic  manufactures, 
"  is  a  transfer  to  foreign  nations  of  the  advantages  of  ma- 
"  chinery  in  the  modes  in  which  it  is  capable  of  being  .employ- 
"  ed  -with  most  utility  and  to  the  greatest  extent"* 

How  many  millions  of  the  wealth  of  this 
country  have  been  thus  "  transferred  to  foreign 
nations"  during  the  thirty  years  of  our  career! 


*  Hamilton's  Works,  Vol.  I. 


(     65     )        , 

How  much  of  this  wealth  was  used  to  scourge 
us  at  Washington,  on  the  frontiers  of  Canada, 
and  in  the  Chesapeake  !  What  a  lamentable  use 
we  have  made  of  the  advantages  which  heaven 
has  lavished  on  us  ! 

"  The  establishment  of  manufactures  is  calculated  not 
<c  only  to  increase  the  general  stock  of  useful  and  produc- 
44  tive  labour,  but  even  to  improve  the  state  of  agriculture  in 
"particular."* 

What  a  lesson  is  here  for,  the  farmers  and 
planters,  who  have  been  unhappily  excited  to 
view  with  jealousy  and  hostility  those  citizens 
who  contribute  so  largely  to  their  prosperity ! 

"  It  is  the  interest  of  the  community,  with  a  view  to  even- 
u  tual  and  permanent  economy ,  to  encourage  the  growth  of 
44  manufactures.  In  a  national  view,  a  temporary  enhance- 
44  ment  of  price  must  always  be  well  compensated  by  a  per- 
41  manent  reduction  of  it."* 

44  The  trade  of  a  country,  which  is  both  manufacturing 
44  and  agricultural,  will  be  more  lucrative  and  prosperous  than. 
44  that  of  a  country  which  is  merely  agricultural"* 

44  The  uniform  appearance  of  an  abundance  of  specie,  as  the 
44  concomitant  of  a  flourishing  state  of  manufactures,  and  of 
44  the  reverse  where  they  do  not  prevail,  afford  a  strong  pre- 
"  sumption  of  their  favourable  operation  upon  the  wealth  of 
44  a  country."* 

44  Not  only  the  wealth,  but  the  independence  and  security  of 
44  a  country,  appear  to  be  materially  connected  'with  the  pros- 
44  perity  of  manufactures .  Every  nation,  with  a  view  to  these 
44  great  objects,  ought  to  endeavour  to  possess  within  itself 

*  Hamilton's  Works,  Vol.  I. 
9 


(     66     ) 

u  all  the  essentials  of  national  supply.  These  comprise  the 
"  means  of  subsistence,  habitation,  clothing,  and  defence.1'*' 
"  Considering  a  monopoly  of  the  domestic  market  to  its 
"  own  manufactures  as  the  reigning  policy  of  manufactur- 
ing nations,  a  similar  policy  on  the  part  of  the  United States , 
"  in  every  proper  instance,  is  dictated,  it  might  almost  be 
"  said  by  the  principles  of  distributive  justice — certainly  by  the 
cc  duty  of  securing  to  their  own  citizens  a  reciprocity  of  ad- 
u  vantages"? 

Mr.  Hamilton,  however,  displayed  an  extreme 
degree  of  inconsistency.  Notwithstanding  the 
conclusive  and  irresistible  arguments  of  his  re- 
port, in  favour  of  a  decided  protection  of  manu- 
factures, and  notwithstanding  the  failure  of  many 
promising  efforts  at  their  establishment,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  deluge  of  goods  poured  into  the 
market,  instead  of  recommending  an  adequate 
enhancement  of  duties  to  supply  some  defi- 
ciency of  revenue  in  1790,  he  submitted  a  plan 
for  an  excise  on  spirituous  liquors,  which  was 
one  of  the  most  universally  odious  and  unpo- 
pular measures  that  could  be  devised.  It  ex- 
cited the  western  insurrection  ;  thereby  tarnish- 
ed the  character  of  the  country;  and  jeopar- 
dized the  government  in  it%  infancy. 

However  strong  the  arguments  may  be  in 
favour  of  an  excise  on  spirits,  in  a  moral  point 
of  view,  it  was  under  existing  circumstances  ex- 
tremely  impolitic.  For  the  paltry  amount  raised 

*  Hamilton's  Works,  Vol.  I. 


(     67     ) 

from  it  for  a  considerable  time  after  its  adoption, 
it  was  not  worth  while  to  incur  the  disaffection 
of  the  citizens.  The  receipts  for  the  first  four 
years  were— 

In  1792  -                             -            8208,942 

1793 337,705 

1794 274,689 

1795 337,755 


Four  years S  1,158,491* 

Average $  289,622 

What  a  miserable  sum  as  a  set  off  against  the 
oppression  and  vexation  of  an  excise — and  the 
insurrection  it  excited !  How  incalculably  soun- 
der policy  it  would  have  been,  to  have  increased 
the  duties  on  manufactured  articles,  which 
would  not  only  have  answered  the  purpose  of 
meeting  the  additional  demands  of  the  treasury, 
and  given  a  spring  to  the  industry  of  our  citi- 
zens; but  made  an  important  addition  to  the 
wealth,  power  and  resources  of  the  nation  ! 

The  importations  in  1792,  subject  to  five  and 
seven  and  a  half  per  cent,  duty — 

Amounted  to  -  -      S  16,221,000f 

1793,  at  7J  and  8        -         -  14,966,000 

1794,  at  7£  and  10  -       ,-  17,700,000 

1795,  at  10 16,447,000 


Four  years, S  65,334,000 

*  Seybert,  477.         |  Idem,  159. 


(     68     ) 

Two  per  cent,  on  this  sum  would  have  been    S  1,306,620 
Annual  average $  326,655 


more  than  the  net  revenue  arising  from  the  ex- 
cise, and  with  scarcely  a  dollar  additional  ex- 
pense in  the  collection. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Memorials  to  congress.  Deceptions  report.  List 
ofexpoi*ts.  Tariff  of  1804.  Wonderful  omis- 
sion. Immense  importations  of  cotton  and  wool- 
len goods.  Exportations  of  cotton. 

IN  the  years  1802,  3,  and  4,  memorials  were 
presented  to  congress  from  almost  every  de- 
scription of  manufacturers,  praying  for  further 
protection.  In  the  two  first  years  they  were 
treated  with  utter  slight,  and  nothing  was  done 
whatever. 

In  1804,  the  committee  on  commerce  and 
manufactures  made  a  very  superficial  report, 
from  which  I  submit  the  following  extract  as  a 
specimen  of  the  sagacity  of  its  authors. 

"  There  may  be  some  danger  in  refusing  to  admit  the  manu- 
"factures  of  foreign  countries;  for  by  the  adoption  of  such  a 
"  measure,  ive  should  have  no  market  abroad,  and  industry 
"  tvould  lose  one  of  its  chief  incentives  at  home." 

This  paragraph  is  superlatively  absurd,  and 
indeed  more  than  absurd.  It  is  wicked.  In  order 
to  defeat  the  object  of  the  memorialists,  it  as- 
sumes for  them  requisitions  which  they  did  not 
contemplate,  and  which  of  course  their  memo- 


70     ) 

rials  did  not  warrant.  No  sound  man  in  the  Uni- 
ted States  ever  contemplated  the  total  "  exclusion 
of  foreign  manufactures."  It  was  merely  request- 
ed  that  the  memorialists  should  not  themselves 
be  "excluded"  from  the  domestic  market  by 
foreign  rivals — and  that  the  industry  of  our  citi- 
zens should  be  so  far  patronized,  that  they  might 
be  enabled  to  supply  a  portion  of  the  thirty  mil- 
lions of  dollars,  principally  of  clothing,  imported 
that  year. 

But  admitting  for  a  moment,  for  the  sake  of 
argument,  that  foreign  manufactures  had  been 
excluded,  who  could  persuade  himself,  that  we 
should  therefore  "  have  no  market  abroad  for 
our  produce  ?"•  War  at  that  time  raged  in  almost 
every  part  of  Europe,  and  the  West  Indies :  and 
those  who  purchased  our  produce,  had  at  least 
as  powerful  reasons  to  purchase  as  we  had  to 
sell.  The  inhabitants  of  an  island  in  danger  of 
starvation  would  suffer  more  from  being  de- 
prived of  supplies,  than  the  producers  by  the 
privation  of  a  market. 

To  evince  the  futility  of  the  ground  assumed 
in  the  report,  I  annex  a  list  of  some  of  the 
great  leading  articles  exported  in  that  year : — 


Flour 

Indian  corn    - 

Bec-f 

Indian  meal 

Hams 


barrels 
bushels 
barrels 
barrels 
pounds 


'   810,000 

1,944,873 

134,896 

111,327 

1,904,284 


Butter  -  pounds     2,476,550 

Cheese     -  pounds     1,299,872 

Lard  -  pounds    2,565,719 

Candles  -  pounds     2,239,356 

Cotton  ...  pounds  35,034,175" 

Tar  barrels          58,181 

Turpentine         ....  barrels  77,827 

Staves  and  heading  -  feet        34,614,000 

Boards,  plank  and  scantling         -  feet         76,000,000* 

These,  gentle  reader,  are  the  kinds  of  pro- 
duce,  which  the  framers  of  this  very  profound 
report  were  fearful  would  not  find  a  market,  if 
"  foreign  merchandize  was  excluded.5'  Such 
are  the  displays  of  wisdom  and  political  eco- 
nomy made  to  the  legislature  of"  the  most  en- 
lightened nation  in  the  world." 

This  subject  deserves  to  be  further  analyzed. 
To  reduce  it  to  plain  English,  it  means,  that,  if 
the  United  States  laid  heavy  or  prohibitory  duties 
on  silks,  sattins,  shawls,  fi;c.  or  prohibited  East 
India  cotton  goods,  ^c.  the  people  of  the  West 
Indies  would  refuse  to  purchase  our  lumber — 
the  Manchester  manufacturers  our  cotton — and 
the  governments  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  our 
flour,  Indian  meal,  $c.  fyc.  Such  profound 
views  of  political  economy  cannot  fail  to  excite 
a  high  degree  of  respect  and  admiration. 

In  the  year  1804,  the  demands  of  the  treasury 
had  greatly  increased  by  an  augmentation  of  ex- 

*  Seybert,  1 10. 


penditure,  and  by  the  8  1 5,000,000  of  debt  funded 
for  the  purchase  of  Louisiana.  This  required  an 
increase  of  duties.  But  the  same  impolicy  and 
neglect  of  affording  adequate  protection  to  the 
productive  industry  of  the  country  that  prevailed 
in  the  former  tariffs,  appear  in  that  of  this  year. 
The  old  system  was  continued,  of  raising  as 
large  a  portion  as  possible  of  the  impost  on  ar- 
ticles not  interfering  with  our  manufactures,, 
and  laying  duties  comparatively  light  on  ma- 
nufactures. Accordingly  the  duties  on  teas, 
wines,  coffee,  sugar,  £jc.  were  raised  without 
fear  of  smuggling. 


1804. 

Price. 
Cents. 

Duty. 
Cents. 

Per  cent. 

Bohea  tea  per  Ib. 

14 

12 

85 

Souchong     do.         ... 

41 

18 

44 

Hyson           do.     - 

56 

32 

57 

Hyson  skin  do.         ... 

24 

2O 

83 

Imperial       do.  - 

'75 

'  32 

40 

Lisbon  wine  per  gallon    - 

80 

30 

37-i- 

London  market  Madeira  do. 

160 

58 

36 

Coffee,  per  Ib.     - 

15 

5 

33 

While  these  articles  were  dutied  thus  high, 
cotton  and  woollen  goods,  which  formed  the 
great  mass  of  the  clothing  of  the  country,  were 
subject  to  only  fifteen  per  cent.,  which,  in  the 
improved  state  of  the  machinery  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, and,  so  far  as  respects  cotton,  the  low  price 
of  labour  in  the  East  Indies,  was  so  wholly  inade- 
quate for  protection,  that  very  few  attempts 


(     73     ) 

were  made  to  establish  them  on  an  extensive 
scale,  and  thus  the  nation  was  drained  of  im- 
mense sums,  for  articles  of  which  it  could  have 
supplied  a  superabundance. 

It  is  a  remarkable  and  most  extraordinary  fact, 
that  cotton  goods  were  never  mentioned  in  the 
tariff,  before  1804 — nor  woollen  goods  before 
1816,  when  the  government  had  been  in  ope- 
ration 27  years  !  They  were  passed  over,  and 
fell  within  the  class  of  non-enumerated  articles. 
It  is  impossible  to  reflect  on  this  fact,  without 
astonishment,  and  a  conviction  that  there  never 
was  adequate  attention  bestowed  on  the  concoc- 
tion of  the  tariff,  which,  while  it  was  silent  re- 
specting those  important  articles,  descended 
to  the  enumeration  of  artificial  flowers,  cos- 
metics, bricks  and  tiles,  dentifrice,  dates,  dolls, 
essences,  fans,  fringes,  glue,  tassels  and  trim- 
mings, limes  and  lemons,  mittens,  gloves,  pow- 
ders, pastes,  washes,  tinctures,  plums,  prunes, 
toys,  wafers,  £jc.  £jc. 

As  few  persons  are  aware  of  the  extravagant 
extent  of  the  importations  of  clothing,  I  annex  the 
amount  for  five  years,  of  articles  subject  to  15 
per  cent,  duty,  of  which  about  nine-tenths  were 
cotton  and  woollen  goods. 


10 


1804 
1805 
1806 
1807 
1808 


S  30,285,267 
37,137,598 
43,115,367 
46,031,742 
23,780,758 

IS  180,350,732* 


The  re-exportation  of  articles  of 
the  same  description.for  these  years, 
was— 


1804 
1805 
1806 
1807 
1808 


000,000 
l',587,801 
2,075,601 
2,197,383 

755,085 


Balance  .... 

Deduct  for  sundries,  say  ten  per  cent. 


6,615,870f 

173,737,862 
17,373,786 


Cotton  and  woollen  goods  consurned  in  five 

years  ....         $156,364,076 


Had  the  duty  been  twenty -five  per  cent.,  and 
the  imports  100,000,000,  the  revenue  would 
have  gained,  and  there  would  have  been  an  im- 
mense saving  to  the  nation  of  above  60,000,000 
of  dollars  in  four  years  !  When  will  statesmen 


Seybert,  164. 


(     75     ) 

learn  the  grand  secret  of  "  transforming  taxes 
into  useful  regulations  ?" 

During  these  live  years,  we  exported  of  raw 
cotton — 

1804  -   Ibs.  36,034,175 

1805  -    -         38,390,087 

1806  ...  38,657,465 

1807  63,944,559 

1808  -  10,630,445 


Ibs.  183,656,713 

Although  we'supplied  Great  Britain  with  more 
than  a  third  of  the  cotton  she  used,  so  little  pro- 
tection was  afforded  to  the  manufacture  of  the 
article  here,  that  in  the  year  1805,  our  consump- 
tion was  only  1000  bags;  whereas,  had  the  fos- 
tering care  of  the  government  been  extended  to 
it,  we  might  have  used  100,000.  And  this  all- 
important  manufacture,  for  which  this  country  is 
so  peculiarly  fitted  by  its  capacity  of  producing 
the  raw  material  to  any  extent;  its  boundless 
water  powers,  its  admirable  machinery,  and  the 
skill  of  its  citizens,  never  took  root  here  until 
the  non-intercourse  and  other  restrictive  mea- 
sures, affording  our  citizens  a  fair  chance  in  their 
own  market,  they  were  encouraged  to  turn  their 
attention,,  and  devote  their  talents  and  capital  to 
this  grand  object.  In  five  years,  that  is,  in  1810, 
merely  through  this  encouragement,  the  con- 
sumption increased  ten-fold,  to  10,000  bales,  or 
3,000.000  Ibs.  In  live  more,  in  consequence  of 


the  war,  it  rose  to  90,000  bales,  or  27,000,000 
Ibs.  This  affords  a  clear  and  decisive  proof  that 
nothing  but  a  sound  policy  was  necessary  to  have 
brought  it  early  to  perfect  maturity. 

There  is  not  perhaps  in  history  a  greater  in- 
stance of  utter  impolicy  and  disregard  of  the 
maxims  of  all  profound  statesmen,  or  of  the  solid 
and  substantial  interests  of  a  nation,  than  this 
most  lamentable  fact  exhibits.  An  inexhaustible 
source  of  national  wealth,  power,  and  resources, 
and  of  individual  happiness,  was  bestowed 
on  us  by  heaven,  and  prodigally  lavished  away, 
in  favour  of  foreign  nations  who  made  use  of  the 
wealth  thus  absurdly  bestowed,  to  jeopardize 
our  independence; — under  the  absurd  idea  that 
as  we  had  so  many  millions  of  acres  of  back 
lands  uncultivated,  we  ought  not  to  encourage 
manufactures ! !  Ineffable  delusion !  As  if  the 
thousands  of  men  brought  up  to  cotton  weaving, 
who,  under  proper  encouragement,  would  have 
migrated  to  this  country,  could  be  immediately 
transformed  into  back  country  farmers,  and  in- 
duced to  encounter  all  the  horrors  of  clearing 
the  wilderness !  This  would  be  on  a  level  with 
some  of  the  Metamorphoses  of  Ovid.  And  as  if 
the  vast  numbers  of  old  men,  of  women,  and 
children,  who  might  be  most  advantageously  em- 
ployed for  themselves  and  for  the  nation,  in  this 
branch,  were  in  any  degree  calculated  for  a 
country  life,  even  under  its  most  inviting  form  ! 


CHAPTER  V. 

Various  causes  which  prevented  the  ruinous  ope- 
ration of  the  early  tariffs.     Declaratiaji  of 
war.  Blankets  for  Indians.  Disgraceful  situa-. 
tion  of  the  United  States.     Governor  Gerry. 
Sufferings  of  the  army.    Rapid  progress  of 
national  industry. 

A  VARIETY  of  circumstances,  which  ought 
to  have  been  noted  in  page  47,  combined  to 
rescue  the  United  States  from  the  ruinous  con- 
sequences that  would  otherwise  have  naturally 
flowed  from  the  impolicy  of  the  tariffs  of  1789, 
1792,  and  1804;  of  which,  as  I  have  already 
stated,  the  obvious  tendency  was  to  afford  the 
manufacturing  nations  of  Europe,  nearly  all  the 
advantages  they  could  have  derived  from  this 
country  in  its  colonial  state. 

The  provision  in  1790,  for  funding  the  debt 
of  the  United  States,  threw  into  circulation  an 
immense  capital,  which  gave  life  and  activity  to 
business.  The  establishment,  about  the  same 
time,  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  afford- 
ed additional  facilities  to  trade  and  commerce. 
And  the  wars  of  the  French  revolution  opened 


C     78     ) 

a  market  for  the  productions  of  our  agriculture, 
in  many  instances  at  most  exorbitant  prices  ;  for 
instance,  occasionally  from  fifteen  to  twenty  dol- 
lars per  barrel  for  flour  in  the  West  Indies, 
Spain,  and  Portugal,  and  other  articles  in  pro- 
portion.  We  were  thus  enabled  to  pay  for  the 
extravagant  quantities  of  manufactures  which 
we  consumed,  and  with  which  we  could  and 
ought  to  have  supplied  ourselves. 

The  dreadful  scenes  in  St.  Domingo  brought 
immense  wealth  into  this  country  with  the  emi- 
grants who  purchased  safety  by  flight  from  their 
paternal  estates  and  their  native  land. 

For  a  considerable  time,  moreover,  we  were 
almost  the  sole  carriers  of  the  colonial  produce 
of  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain  ;  as  her  fleets 
were  in  full  possession  of  the  seas,  and  there  was 
no  safety  for  the  vessels  of  those  powers  in, hos- 
tility with  her. 

But  it  was  obvious  that  this  system  rested  the 
prosperity  of  the  nation  on  the  sandy  founda- 
tion of  the  wrars,  desolation,  and  misery  of  our 
fellow  men.  And  as  it  was  not  probable  that 
they  would  continue  to  cut  each  other's  throats 
to  promote  our  welfare,  a  close  of  this  dazzling 
scene  was  to  be  expected,  for  which  sound 
policy  required  provision  to-be  made.  But  this 
duty  was  totally  neglected.  We  proceeded  as 
if  this  state  of  affairs  were  to  last  for  ever.  At 
length  we  were  abruptly  cut  off  from  the  mar- 


(     79     ) 

kets  of  Europe,  and  then  a  new  order  of  things 
arose,  to  dispel  the  prevalent  delusion. 

On  the  18th  of  June,  1812,  war  was  declared 
against  Great  Britain.  This  event  placed  the 
ruinous  and  deplorable  policy  of  our  government, 
on  the  subject  of  its  manufactures,  in  a  glaring 
point  of  light.  With  ra\v  materials  in  abundance, 
skill,  enterprize,  industry,  water  power,  and 
capital  to  the  utmost  extent,  to  secure  a  full  sup- 
ply for  nearly  all  our  wants,  we  had,  in  defiance 
of  the  soundest  maxims  of  policy,  absurdly  de- 
pended on  foreign  nations  for  a  great  variety  of 
necessary  articles,  and  even,  Oh,  shame!  for  our 
clothing,  than  which  the  mind  of  man  can  hardly 
conceive  of  more  utter  want  of  policy. 

In  consequence  of  this  miserable  system,  at 
the  commencement  of  the  war,  the  nation  suf- 
fered the  disgrace  of  a  regular  proposition  being 
offered  to  congress  by  the  secretary  at  war,  to 
suspend  the  non-importation  act  for  the  purpose  of 
importing  a  supply  of  Jive  or  six  thousand  blan- 
kets for  the  Indians,  for  whom  the  department 
had  not  been  able  to  make  provision !  and  who 
had  of  course  become  clamorous  at  the  disap- 
pointment! This  melancholy  tale  will  hardly  find 
credence.  It  is,  nevertheless,  sacredly  true; 
and  if  dear-bought  experience  were  of  any  avail 
in  the  regulation  of  the  affairs  of  nations,  this, 
simple  fact  would  be  an  invaluable  lesson  to  our 
statesmen,  to  warn  them  against  the  rock  of 


80      } 


abandoning  national  industry.  But,  alas  !  to  the 
incalculable  injury  of  the  nation,  it  was  entirely 
disregarded  in  four  short  years,  as  will  appear 
in  the  sequel. 

The  good  old  governor  of  Massachusetts, 
Elbridge  Gerry,  felt  deep  distress  at  the  bitter 
draught  of  the  dregs  of  the  chalice  of  humilia- 
tion swallowed  at  this  crisis  by  the  government 
of  the  United  States,  and  brought  the  affair  be- 
fore the  legislature  of  that  state. 

"  It  being-  officially  announced,  that  the  Indians  complain 
u  they  cannot  receive  the  usual  supplies  of  goods,  by  rea- 
"  son  of  the  non-importation  act,  and  that  they  were  not  to 
u  be  purchased  within  the  United  States. 

"  I  submit  to  your  consideration,  whether  it  is  not  incum- 
"  bent  on  this  state,  to  use  the  means  in  its  power  for  en- 
"  abling  the  national  government  to  rise  superior  to  such  a 
u  humiliating'  circumstance  !  In  the  year  1775,  when  our  war 
"  with  Great  Britain  commenced,  and  when,  immediately 
u  preceding  it,  a  non-importation  act  had  been  strictly  car- 
"  ried  into  effect,  the  state  of  Massachusetts  apportioned 
"  on  their  towns,  respectively,  to  be  manufactured  by  them, 
"  articles  of  clothing  wanted  for  their  proportion  of  the 
"  army,  which  besieged  Boston ;  fixed  the  prices  and  quali- 
"  ties  of  those  articles,  and  they  were  duly  supplied  with- 
*c  in  a  short  period. 

"  Thus,  before  we  had  arrived  at  the  threshold  of  inde- 
u  pendence,  and  when  we  were  in  an  exhausted  state,  by 
"  the  antecedent,  voluntary  and  patriotic  sacrifice  of  our 
"  commerce,  between  thirteen  and  fourteen  thousand  cloth 
u  coats  were  manufactured,  made  and  delivered  into  our  maga- 
u  zine,  within  a  few  months  from  the  date  of  the  resolve  rvhich 
a  first  communicated  the  requisition. 

"  Thirty  six  years  have  since  elapsed,  during  twenty-nine 


(     81     ) 

"  of  which  we  have  enjoyed  peace  and  prosperity,  and  have 
"  increased  in  numbers,  manufactures,  wealth  and  re- 
"  sources,  beyond  the  most  sanguine  expectations. 

"  All  branches  of  this  government  have  declared  their 
"  opinion,  and  I  conceive  on  the  most  solid  principle,  that 
u  as  a  nation  we  are  independent  of  any  other,  for  the  neces- 
"  saries,  conveniences,  and  for  many  of  the  luxuries  of  life. 

"  Let  us  not,  then,  at  this  critical  period,  admit  any  ob- 
"  struction,  which  we  have  power  to  remove,  to  discourage 
"  or  retard  the  national  exertions  for  asserting  and  main- 
"  taining  our  rights ;  and  above  all,  let  us  convince  Great 
"  Britain  that  we  can  and  will  be  independent  of  her  for 
41  every  article  of  commerce  whilst  she  continues  to  be  the 
"  ostensible  friend,  but  the  implacable  foe  of  our  prosperity, 
u  government,  union,  and  independence." 

What  a  melancholy  difference  between  the 
two  epochs,  1775,  and  1812!  Strength  and  vi- 
gour in  youth — feebleness  and  decay  in  man- 
hood! What  lamentable  havoc  of  national  re- 
sources in  the  interim ! 

Mr.  Gerry  says,  "  as  a  nation  we  are  indepen- 
dent of  every  other."  This  is  a  most  egregi- 
ous error.  "  As  a  nation,"  extent  of  resources 
considered,  there  was  not  then,  nor  is  there 
now,  a  more  dependent  people,  perhaps,  in  the 
world.  In  our  towns  and  cities,  one-half  of  our 
population,  males  and  females,  are  covered  with 
the  fabrics  and  in  the  fashions  of  foreign  na- 
tions. He  should  have  said,  "  we  may  and  ought 
to  be  independent."  Two  or  three  small  words 
make  an  immense  difference. 

If  any  thing  could  add  to  the  mortification 

11 


(     83    ,) 

and  regret  which  this  circumstance  must  excite, 
it  is,  that  the  quantity  of  wool  sheared  in  18 10 
was  estimated  at  13  or  14,000,000  Ibs.,  and  in 
18 12,  at  20  or  22,000,000  ;*  and  that  various  pro- , 
mising  attempts  to  establish  the  woollen  manu- 
facture, had  been    made  at  different  periods, 
during  the  preceding  years,  which,  for  want  of 
protection,  had  failed  of  success. 

Next  to  the  waste  of  the  immense  advantages 
we  possess  for  the  manufacture  of  cotton,  is  to 
be  lamented  the  impolitic  and  irreparable  de- 
struction of  the  merino  sheep,  of  which  we  had 
to  the  value  of  about  one  million  of  dollars, 
which  government,  by  an  increase  of  duty  on 
woollens,  might  have  easily  preserved.  The  con- 
trast between  our  abandonment  of  them,  and 
the  great  pains  taken,  and  expense  incurred  by 
different  nations  to  possess  themselves  of  this 
treasure,  is  strong  and  striking. 

Hundreds  of  our  ill-fated  soldiers,~it  is  said, 
perished  for  want  of  comfortable  clothing  in  the 
early  part  of  the  war,  when  exposed  to  the  in- 
hospitable climate  of  Canada.f 

The  war  found  us  destitute  of  the  means  of 

supplying  ourselves,  not  merely  with  blankets 

s 

*  Tench  Coxe's  Tables,  preface,  page  xiii. 

|  I  have  heard  a  story,  for  which,  however,  I  do  not  vouch, 
that  the  capture  of  Amelia  Island,  by  Governor  Mitchell, 
was  ordered  by  government  with  a  view  to  provide  blankets 
lor  our  suffering  soldiers. 


(      83      ) 

for  our  soldiers,  but  a  vast  variety  of  other  arti- 
cles necessary  for  our  ease  and  comfort,  of 
which  the  prices  were  accordingly  raised  ex- 
travagantly by  the  importers.  Our  citizens,  and 
among  them  numbers  of  our  commercial  men, 
entered  on  the  business  of  manufactures  with 
great  energy  and  enterprize  ;  invested  in  them 
many  millions  of  capital ;  and  having,  during  the 
thirty  months  which  the  war  continued,  the  do- 
mestic market  secured  to  them,  they  succeeded 
wonderfully. 

Never  was  there  a  prouder  display  of  the  (I 
had  almost  said)  omnipotence  of  industry,  than 
was   afforded   on  this   occasion.     It   furnishes 
an  eternal  lesson  to  statesmen.  Our  citizens  ex- 
hibited a  spectacle  perhaps  without  precedent. 
Unaided  by  the  expenditure  of  a  single  dollar  by 
our  government^  they  attained  in  two  or  three 
years,  a  degree  of  maturity  in  manufactures, 
which  required  centuries  in  England,  France, 
Prussia,  2jc.,  and  cost  their  monarchs  enormous 
sums  in  the  shape  of  bounties,  premiums,  draw- 
backs, with  the  fostering  aid  of  privileges  and 
immunities  bestowed  on  the  undertakers.    The 
supply  became  commensurate  with  the  demand; 
and  full  confidence  was  entertained  that  the  go- 
vernment and  nation,  to  whose  aid  they  came 
forward  in  time  of  need,  would  not  abandon 
them  to  destruction,  after  the  purposes  of  the 
moment  were  answered.  Fatal  delusion ! 


Our  exports  for  1813  and  1814,  were  only 
about  31,000,000  of  dollars,  or  15,500,000  per 
annum.  JHostile  fleets  and  armies  desolated  those 
parts  of  the  country  to  which  they  had  access. 
Yet  the  nation  made  rapid  strides  in  prosperity 
by  the  creative  powers  of  industry.  Every  man 
was  employed,   and  every  man  fully  recom- 
pensed for  his  labours.  It  may,  howrever,  be  sup- 
posed  that  the  farmers  suffered  heavily  by  the 
exclusion   of  their  productions  from  foreign 
markets.  The  fact  is  otherwise.  I  state  the  prices 
of  three  articles,  flour,  beef,  and  hemp,  in  the 
Philadelphia  market,  in  proof  of  this  assertion. 
Other  articles  commanded  proportionable  prices. 


Flour 
per  barrel. 

Beef 

per  barrel. 

Hemp 
per  ton. 

1813,     Aug.  23     -     - 
Nov.  22       -     - 

$8  25 
10  00 

$15  50 
15  50 

$210 
210 

1814.     Jan.    31     -     - 
July     4*     -     - 
Dec.     5     -     - 

8  00 
6  86 
8  37 

13  50 
17  00 
19  00 

275 
250 
250 

What  a  contrast  at  present !  We  have 
ported — 


e, 


In  1816 
1817 

1818 


Average     - 


$  64,784,896 
68,338,069 
73,854,^37 

SS  206,997,402 
-    g  68,999,230 


*  Specie  payments  were  continued  till  August,  1814, 


(     85     ) 

That  is,  above  four  hundred  per  cent,  more  than 
in  1813  and  1814 — and  a  premature  decay  has 
nevertheless  been  rapidly  gaining  ground  on  the 
nation  by  the  prostration  of  its  industry  !  What 
an  important  volume  of  political  economy  !  How 
much  more  instructive  than  Condorcet,  Smith, 
Say,  Ricardo,  and  the  whole  school  of  econo- 
mists of  this  class ! 

I  am  aware  that  from  local  circumstances, 
cotton  and  some  other  articles  were  at  reduced 
prices  at  the  places  of  production  during  the 
war,  from  the  difficulty  and  expense  of  trans- 
portation.  The  fall  of  cotton  was  a  natural  con- 
sequence of  the  impolicy  of  the  planters  in  not 
having  previously  secured  themselves  a  domes- 
tic market. 

The  following  tables  exhibit  a  statement  of 
the  great  advancement  made ;  and  prove  that 
our  citizens  only  require  half  the  patronage  of 
government,  which  is  afforded  by  England, 
France,  Austria,  and  Russia,  to  enabJe  them  to 
enter  into  competition  with  die  whole  world. 

State  of  the  cotton  manufacture  within  thirty  miles  of  Provi- 
dence^  R.  I.  in  181 5,  extracted 'from  a  memorial  to  congress. 

"  Cotton  manufactories      -  140 

"  Containing  in  actual  operation     -         spindles  130,000 
"  Using  annually     -  -     bales  of  cotton    29,000 

"  Producing  yards  of  the  kinds  of  cotton  goods 

usually  made  -         -         -         -       27,840,000 


.( 


"  The  weaving  of  which  at  eight  cents  per  yard 

amounts  to  -  §2,227,200 

"  Total  value  of  the  cloth  -     g  6,000,000 

"  Persons  steadily  employed  26,000 

State  of  the  cotton  manufacture  throughout  the  United  States 
in  1815,  from  a  report  of  the  Committee  of  Commerce  and 
Manufactures. 


Capital  g  40,000,000 

Males  employed,  from  the  age  of  seventeen 

and  upwards         -         -         -         -         -  10,OOO 

"  Women  and  female  children       -         -  66,OOO 

Boys,  under  seventeen  years  of  age  24,000 

Wages  of  one  hundred  thousand  persons, 
averaging  g  150  each  g  15,000,000 

"  Cotton  wool  manufactured,  nine  thousand 

bales,  amounting  to  Ibs.         -  27,000,000 

"  Number  of  yards  of  cotton,  of  various  kinds,  81,000,000 

"  Cost,  per  yard,  averaging  30  cents         -     g  24,300,000 


State  of  the  woollen  manufacture  throughout  the  United  States 
in  1815,  from  the  s,ame. 

"  Amount  of  capital  supposed  to  be  invested 

in  buildings,  machinery,  &c.  -      E  12,000,000 

"  Value  of  raw  material  consumed 

annually         -         -  -     7,000,000 

"  Increase  of  value  by  manufac- 
turing        -         ...       12,000,000 


"  Value   of  woollen  goods  manufactured  an- 
nually ....  .     g  19,000,000 


«  Number  of  persons  employed 

r    ' 


sionally    -     50,OOO 


100,00t> 


(     87     ) 

In  the  city  and  neighbourhood  of  Philadel- 
phia, there  were  employed — 

In  the  cotton  branch          -  2325  persons. 

In  the  woollen      -  -     1226     do. 
In  iron  castings         ....         1152     do. 

In  paper  making  -         -         -  -       950     do. 

In  smithery      -----  75O     do. 

The  value  of  the  manufactures  of  the  city  of 
Pittsburg,  which  in  18(5  employed  1960  per- 
sons, was  2,617,833  dollars.  And  every  part  of 
the  country  displayed  a  similar  state  of  prospe- 
rity. 11  ow  deplorable  a  contrast  our  present 
state  exhibits  ! 


CHAPTER  VI. 

State  of  the  country  at  the  dose  of  the  -war.  Per- 
nicious consequences  to  the  manufacturers.  Mr. 
Dattas's  tariff.  Rates  reduced  ten,  twenty,  and 
thirty  per  cent. 

THE  war  was  closed  under  the  most  favoura- 
ble auspices.  The  country  was  every  where 
prosperous.  Inestimable  manufacturing  estab- 
lishments, in  which  probably  60,000,000  of  dol- 
lars were  invested,  were  spread  over  the  face 
of  the  land,  and  were  diffusing  happiness  among 
thousands  of  industrious  people.  No  man, 
woman,  or  child,  able  and  willing  to  work,  was 
unemployed.  With  almost  every  possible  va- 
riety of  soil  and  climate — and  likewise  with  the 
three  greatest  staples  in  the  world — cotton,  wool, 
and  iron — the  first  to  an  extent  commensurate 
with  our  utmost  wants,  and  a  capacity  to  produce 
the  other  two — a  sound  policy  would  have  ren- 
dered us  more  independent  probably  of  foreign 
supplies,  for  all  the  comforts  of  life,  than  any 
other  nation  whatever. 

Peace,  nevertheless,  was  fraught  with  destruc- 
tion to  the  hopes  and  happiness  of  a  considerable 
portion  of  the  manufacturers.  The  double  duties 


(     89     ) 

had  been  imposed  with  a  limitation  to  one  year 
after  the  close  of  the  war.  And  a  tariff  as  a  sub- 
stitute was  prepared  by  the  secretary  of  the  trea- 
sury, witiuluties  fixed  at  the  minimum  rates  which 
he  thought  calculated  to  afford  them  protection. 
On  many  of  them,  these  rates  were  insufficient. 
Yet  had  his  tariff  been  adopted,  it  would  pro- 
bably have  saved  the  country  forty  or  fifty  mil- 
lions of  dollars — and  prevented  a  large  portion 
of  the  deep  distress  that  pervades  the  land,  and 
which  is  driving  legislative  bodies  to  the  despe- 
rate measure  of  suspending  the  course  of  jus- 
tice.* But  a  deep-rooted  jealousy  of  manufac- 
turers was  entertained  by  many  of  the  members 
of  congress,  on  the  ground  of  imputed  extortion 
during  the  war:  and  the  old  hacknied  themes 
of  "  taxing  the  many  for  the  benefit  of  the  few'' 
— the  country  not  being  ripe  for  manufactures 
— wages  being  too  high — the  immensity  of  our 
back  lands,  &;c.  £>c.  8jc.  were  still  regarded  as 
unanswerable  arguments.  In  consequence  of  the 
combined  operation  of  these  causes,  the  rates 
were  reduced  on  most  of  the  leading  articles 
ten,  fifteen,  and  in  some  cases  thirty  per  cent. 
Every  per  cent,  reduced  was  regarded  by  many 
of  the  members  as  so  much  clear  gain  to  the 
country.   Some  of  them  appeared  to  consider 

*  Measures  of  this  description  are  adopted,  or  under  con- 
sideration by  four  or  five  states.  Others  will  probably  fol- 
low the  example.  It  is  contagious. 


(     90     ) 

manufacturers  as  a  sort  of  common  enemy,* 
with  whom  no  terms  ought  to  be  observed  ;  and 
there  was  no  small  number  who  were  disciples 
of  Colonel  Taylor,  of  Caroline  county,  Va.f  who 


^Ex-Governor  Wright,  of  Maryland,  was  .among  the 
most  violent  of  the  members.  His  jealousy  and  hostility 
were  without  the  least  disguise,  and  were  carried  to  an  ex- 
tent that  is  hardly  credible.  A  motion  for  a  reduction  of 
the  duty  on  cottons  having  failed,  he  attempted  to  have  it 
re-considered — on  the  ground  that  some  of  the  members 
who  voted  in  the  majority,  were  concerned  in  the  cotton 
manufacture  ! 

f  Colonel  Taylor  is,  I  believe,  a  tobacco  planter — and  has 
never,  in  any  of  his  plausible  works,  raised  his  voice  against 
the  extravagant  duties  on  snuff  and  manufactured  tobacco. 
On  this  tender  topic  he  is  silent  as  the  grave.  Yet  a  chap- 
ter on  it  would  have  come  from  him  with  great  propriety. 
It  is  a  subject  with  which  he  ought  to  be  thoroughly  ac- 
quainted. I  venture  to  hint  that  he  might  with  great  ad- 
vantage read  the  instructive  fable  of  the  lawyer's  goring  bull, 
which,  with  a  suitable  commentary  on  snuff  and  tobacco  du- 
ties, might  be  very  well  prefixed  as  part  of  the  prolego- 
mena to  some  of  the  amusing  chapters  of  his  Arator.  It 
may  not  be  amiss  likewise  to  whisper  gently  in  his  ear,  that 
even  tobacco  in  the  leaf  is  subject  to  fifteen  per  cent.,  which 
is  exactly  the  same  duty  as  that  imposed  on  silks,  linens, 
clocks,  brazing  copper,  gold  leaf,  Hair  powder,  printed 
books,  prints,  slates,  starch,  stuff  and  worsted  shoes,  sealiig 
wax,  thread  stockings,  &c.  &c.  Who,  then,  can  reflect 
without  astonishment,  that  this  gentleman  and  Mr-  Garnett 
take  a  lead  in  the  opposition  to  the  protection  of  manufac- 
tures, although  their  own  rude  produce  is  protected  by  the 
same  duty  as  the  above  finished  manufactures  !  After  this, 
we  may  well  ask,  with  amazement,  "  -what  next  ?"  Be  it 
what  it  may,  it  cannot  surprise  us. 


(     91     ) 

holds  the  broad,  unqualified  doctrine  that  every 
dollar  paid  as  duty  or  bounty  to  encourage  ma- 
nufactures, is  a  dollar  robbed  out  of  the  pockets 
of  the  farmers  and  planters  !  Wonderful  states- 
man !  Profound  policy  !  How  all  the  Sullys,  and 
Colberts,  and  Frederics  of  Europe  must  "  hide 
their  diminished  heads'*  when  their  practice  is 
put  in  contrast  with  this  grand  system  of  politi- 
cal economy  ! 

To  convey  a  correct  idea  of  the  spirit  that 
prevailed  in  that  congress  towards  their  manu- 
facturing fellow  citizens,  I  annex  a  statement  of 
various  articles,  with  the.  duties  as  reported  by 
Mr.  Dallas,  and  as  finally  adopted  :  — 


AIITICLES.  TT8      Tariffadopted. 

Per  cent.  Per  cent. 

Blank  books                   -                   -       35  3O 

Bridles                        -                                35  30 

Brass  ware           ....       22  20 

Brushes                                                      35  30 

Cotton  manufactures  of  all  sorts         33  1-3  25 
(Those  below  25  cts.  per  square  yard, 

to  be  dutied  as  at  25  cents.) 

Cotton  stockings         -                           33  1-3  2O 

China  ware                                                 30  20% 

Cabinet  ware                ...       35  3O 

Carriages  of  all  descriptions       -         35  3O 

Canes                       -                                 35  30 

Clothing,  ready  made                            35  3O 

Cutlery             -                                           22  2O 

Cannon      -                                         -     22  20 

Earthen  ware              -                          30  2O 

Glass  ware             -            -             -SO  -2Q 


ARTICLES. 


Harness 

Iron  ware 

Leather  and  all  manufactures  of 

leather  ... 

Linens  ... 

Manufactures  of  wood 
Needles 
Porcelain     - 

Parchment       ... 
Printed  books          -  v 

Paper  hangings 
Paper  of  every  description 
Printing  types 
Pins 
Silks 

Silk  stockings         ... 
Sattins 

Stone  ware  ... 

Saddles 

Thread  stockings 
Vellum 

Walking  sticks       - 
Whips  v    -    . 

Woollen  stockings 
Woollen  Manufactures  generally 
Boots,  -     per  pair 

Iron  in  bars  and  bolts,  per  cwt. 
Shoes  and  slippers  of  silk,  per  pair 

-  of  leather 
for  children 


Mr.  Dallas's 
Tariff., 

Per  cent. 

35 
-     22 


Tariff  adopted 
Per  cent. 
30 
20 


35 

30 

2O 

15 

35 

30 

22 

20 

30 

20 

35 

30 

35 

15 

35 

30 

35 

30 

35 

20 

22 

20 

20 

15 

20 

15 

20 

15 

30 

20 

35 

30 

20 

15 

35 

30 

35 

30 

35 

30 

28. 

20 

28 

25 

200  cts. 

150  cts. 

75 

45 

40 

30 

30 

25 

20 

15 

The  various  reductions  of  two  and  three  per 
cent,  evince  the  huckstering  spirit  that  prevail- 
ed, utterly  unworthy  of  the  legislature  of  a  great 
nation.  Mr.  Dallas  made  a  difference  jf  five  and 


(     93     ) 

one-third  per  cent,  between  the  two  great  arti- 
cles, cottons  and  woollens,  rating  the  former  at 
thirty-three  and  a  third,  and  the  latter  at  twenty- 
eight,  in  consequence  of  our  possessing  a  bound- 
less supply  of  the  raw  material  of  the  former, 
whereas  that  of  the  latter  was  rather  limited. 
After  an  ardent  struggle,  the  duties  were  re- 
duced, and  both  rated  alike  at  twenty-live  per 
cent.    All  the  southern  members  voted  for  the 
reduction,  except  five,  Messrs.  Jackson,  Marsh, 
and  Newton,  from  Virginia,  and  Messrs.  Cal- 
houn  and  Mayrant,  from  South  Carolina,  who 
enjoy  the  melancholy  consolation  of  having  en- 
deavoured to  stem  the  storm.   The  cotton  plan- 
ters who  united  in  the  vote  for  the  reduction, 
have  dearly  expiated  their  error,  in  rendering 
their  fortunes  and  the  prosperity  of  their  country 
dependent  upon  the'  contingencies  of  foreign 
markets,  instead  of  securing  a  large  and  con- 
stantly increasing  market  at  home.   This  ought 
to  be  eternally  sounded  in  their  ears.    Rarely 
has  there  been  much  greater  impolicy — and 
rarely  has  impolicy  been  more  severely  and 
justly    punished.     They   fondly   and   absurdly 
thought  that  thirty  cents  per  Ib.  for  cotton  would 
last  for  ever. 

The  committee  of  commerce  and  manufac- 
tures ;  many  of  the  most  enlightened  members 
of  congress;  and  the  agents  of  the  manufac- 
turers, strongly  remonstrated  against  the  reduc- 


tion  of  duty ;  and,  as  with  a  spirit  of  prophecy, 
predicted  the  fatal  consequences,  not  merely  to 
the  manufacturers,  but  to  the  nation.  But  they 
might  as  well  have  attempted  to  arrest  the  cata- 
racts of  Niagara  with  a  mound  of  sand.  Preju- 
dice was  deep,  inveterate,  and  unassailable.  It 
has  never  in  times  past  had  eyes  nor  ears  ;  and, 
notwithstanding  the  elevation  of  character,  and 
the  superior  illumination  to  which  we  fondly 
lay  claim,  we  are  not  likely  to  offer  to  the  ad- 
miring world  an  exception  to  the  general  rule. 
Of  this  unpalatable  position  our  brief  history, 
alas !  affords  too  many  damning  proofs. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

llain  of  the  manufacturers,  and  decay  of  their  es- 
tablishments. Pathetic  and  eloquent  appeals  to 
congress.  Their  contumelious  and  unfeeling 
neglect.  Memorials  neither  read  nor  reported 
on.  Revolting  contrast  between  the  fostering 
care  bestowed  by  the  Russian  gcrcernment  on 
their  manufacturers,  and  the  unheeded  sufferings 
of  that  class  of  citizens  in  the  United  States. 

FROM  year  to  year  since  that  time,  ruin  spread 
among  the  manufacturers.  A  large  portion  of 
them  have  been  reduced  to  bankruptcy,  from 
ease  and  affluence.  Many  are  now  on  the  brink 
of  it.  Most  of  them  had  entered  into  the  busi- 
ness during  the  war,  under  an  impression,  as  I 
have  already  stated,  that  there  was  a  sort  of  im- 
plied engagement  on  the  part  of  the  govern- 
ment, that  having  been  found  so  useful  in  time 
of  need,  they  would  not  be  allowed  to  be  crush- 
ed, afterwards.  To  what  extent  there  was  any 
foundation  for  this  idea,  I  am  unable  to  decide. 
Suffice  it  to  say,  that  all  the  calculations  predi- 
cated on  it  were  wholly  and  lamentably  disap- 
pointed. The  strong  arm  of  government,  which 
alone  could  save  them  from  the  overwhelming 


(     96     ) 

influx  of  foreign  manufactures,  by  which  they 
were  destroyed,  was  not  interposed  in  their  be- 
half. Noble  establishments,  the  pride  and  orna- 
ment of  the  country,  which  might  have  been 
rendered  sources  of  incalculable  public  and  pri- 
vate wealth,  and'which  Edward  III,  Henry  IV, 
Frederic  the  Great,  and  Catharine  II,  would 
have  saved  at  the  expense  of  millions,  if  neces- 
sary, are  mouldering  to  ruins.  And  to  crown 
the  whole,  millions  of  capital,  which  had  every 
claim  to  the  protection  of  government,  has  be- 
come a  dead  and  heavy  loss  to  the  proprietors. 

At  every  stage  of  this  awful  progress,  the  de- 
voted sufferers  not  only  appealed  to  the  justice, 
but  threw  themselves  on  the  mercy  of  their  re- 
presentatives. The  utmost  powers  of  eloquence 
were  exhausted  in  those  appeals,  some  of  which 
may  be  ranked  among  the  proudest  monuments 
of  human  talents. 

In  the  second  session  of  the  fourteenth  con- 
gress, 1816-17,  there  were  above  forty  memo- 
rials presented  to  the  house  of  representatives 
from  manufacturers  in  different  parts  of  the 
United  States,  and  some  of  them,  particularly 
that  from  Pittsburg,  fraught  with  tales  of  ruin 
and  destruction,  that  would  have  softened  the 
heart  of  a  Herod.  Not  one  of  them  was  ever 
read  in  the  house!  The  Pittsburg  memorial  was, 
it  is  true,  printed  for  the  use  of  the  members. 


(     97     ) 
The  following  is  a  list  of  the  applications — 


No. 

1816. 

Memorials.                    Subjects. 

1 

Dec.    16. 

From  New  York         Iron  manufactures. 

2 

16. 

New  Jersey                   do. 

3 

20. 

New  York         Umbrellas. 

4 

27. 

Massachusetts         do. 

5 

30. 

New  Jersey      Iron  manufactures. 

6 

1817,  Jan.  6. 

New  Jersey                  do. 

7 

8. 

New  York                     do. 

8 

9. 

Philadelphia                  do. 

9 

10. 

Connecticut       Iron  manufactures. 

10 

10. 

New  Jersey                   do. 

11 

13. 

Pennsylvania                do. 

12 

13. 

New  Jersey                  do. 

13 

14. 

Boston                           do. 

14 

16. 

Kentucky           Bar  iron. 

15 

20. 

Pennsylvania     Bar  iron. 

16 

22. 

Pennsylvania     Iron  manufactures. 

ir 

27. 

New  Jersey       Bar  iron. 

18 

28. 

Pennsylvania     Iron  manufactures. 

19 

29. 

Berkshire,  Manufactures  generally. 

20 

29. 

New  York                     do. 

21 

30. 

New  Jersey      Iron  manufactures. 

22 

30. 

N.  York,  Manufactures  generally. 

23 

30. 

Oneida  County             do. 

24 

31. 

New  York                     do. 

25 

Feb.  1. 

Pennsylvania     Iron  manufactures. 

26 

3. 

New  York                      do. 

27 

4. 

Pennsylvania                 do. 

28 

4. 

N.  York,  Manufactures  generally. 

29 

4. 

New  York                      do. 

30 

6. 

Connecticut       Iron  manufactures 

31 

6. 

New  York  and  Vermont     do. 

32 

8. 

Pennsylvania                 do. 

33 

11. 

N.  Jersey,  Manufactures  generally. 

34 

It. 

New  York          Iron  manufactures 

(     98     ) 

No.  1817.         Memorials.  Subjects. 

35  Feb.  13.     From  Rhode  Island.  Cotton  and  woollen. 

36  13.  Connecticut  do. 

37  17.  Pittsburg,  Manufactures  generally. 

38  20.  Illinois  Lead. 

39  24.  Baltimore,  Manufactures  generally. 

40  26.  Philadelphia  do. 
41.  28.  Oneida  do, 
42  28.  Berkshire  do. 

No  description  of  mine  could  do  justice  to  the 
force  of  some  of  these  memorials.  I  shall  there- 
fore  present  &  few  short  specimens  of  the  facts 
and  reasonings  they  placed  before  the  eyes  of 
congress,  to  enable  the  reader  to  form  a  correct 
estimate  of  the  extremely  culpable  neglect  of 
the  voice  of  their  constituents,  displayed  by  that 
body.  The  applications  were  as  ineffectual  as 
those  of  the  congress  of  1774,  to  the  ministers 
of  George  III,  and  were  treated  with  as  little 
ceremony. 

From  the  Philadelphia  Memorial. 

"  We  regard  with  the  most  serious  concern  the  critical  and 
"  dangerous  situation  in  which  our  manufactures  are  placed 
"  by  the  recent  extravagant  importations  of  rival  articles; 
u  which,  owing  to  the  great  surplus  of  them,  and  to  the  pres- 
"  sure  for  money,  are  in  many  cases  sold  at  such  reduced 
"  prices,  as  to  render  it  impossible  for  our  manufactures  to 
"  compete  with  them.  We  believe  that  with  the  interests 
u  of  the  manufacturers  are  connected  the  best  interests  of 
"  the  nation — and  that  if  the  manufactures  of  the  country 
"  are  deprived  of  that  support  from  the  legislature  of  the 
u  United  States,  to  which  we  think  they  are  fairly  entitled, 


(     99     ) 

44  the  evil  will  be  felt  not  by  us  merely,  but  by  the  "whole  na- 
*4  tion  ;  as  it  will  produce  the  inevitable  consequence  of  an  un- 
"favourable  balance  of  trade,  "whereby  our  country  will  be  im- 
44 poverished,  and  rendered  tributary  to  foreign  powers,  whose 
44  interests  are  in  direct  hostility  with  ours." 

From  the  Pittsburg  Memorial. 

;4The  committee  have  found  that  the  manufacture  of  cot* 
"  tons,  woollens ,  flint  glass,  and  the  filer  articles  of  iron,  has 
"  lately  suffered  the  most  alarming-  depression.  Some  branches 
44  which  had  been  several  years  in  operation,  have  been  de- 
44  stroyed  or  partially  suspended  ;  and  others,  of  a  more  re- 
44  cent  growth,  annihilated  before  they  were  completely  in 
"  operation. 

44  The  tide  of  importation  has  inundated  our  country  with 
"foreign  goods.  Some  of  the  most  valuable  and  enterprizing 
"  citizens  have  been  subjected  to  enormous  losses,  and  others 
"  overwhelmed  rvith  bankruptcy  and  ruin.  The  pressure  of 
44  war  was  less  fatal  to  the  hopes  of  enterprize  and  industry, 
44  than  a  general  peace  "with  the  calamities  arising  from  the 
"present  state  of  our  foreign  trade. 

14  It  was  confidently  believed,  .that  the  destinies  of  the 
u  United  States  would  no  longer  depend  on  the  jealousy  and 
44  caprice  of  foreign  governments,  and  that  our  national  free* 
44  dom  and  welfare  were  fixed  on  the  solid  basis  of  our  in- 
44  trinsic  means  and  energies.  But  these  were  4  airy  dreams.1 
u  A  peace  was  concluded  with  England,  and  in  a  few  months 
a  we  were  prostrate  at  her  feet.  The  manufacturers  appealed 
44  to  the  general  government  for  the  adoption  of  measures  thai 
u  might  enable  them  to  resist  the  torrent  that  was  sweeping 
44  away  the  fruits  of  their  capital  and  industry.  Their  com- 
u  plaints  were  heard  with  a  concern  which  seemed  a  pledge 
44  for  the  return  of  better  days.  The  tariff  of  duties,  esta- 
44  blished  at  the  last  session  of  congress,  and  the  history  of 
44  the  present  year,  will  demonstrate  the  falsity  of  their  expec- 
u  tations. 

"  England  never  suffered  a  foreign  government,  or  a  com* 


(    100) 

"  bination  of  foreign^  capitalists,  by  glutting  her  own  market, 
"  to  crush  in  the  cradle,  any  branch  of  her  domestic  indus- 
"  try.  She  never  regarded,  -with  a  cold  indifference,  the  ruin  of 
"  thousands  of  her  industrious  people,  by  the  competition  of 
"foreigners.  The  bare  avowal  of  such  an  attempt  would 
"  have  incurred  the  indignant  resistance  of  the  whole  body 
"  of  the  nation,  and  met  the  frowns,  if  not  the  instant  ven- 
"  geance  of  the  government.  The  consequences  of  this  po- 
"  licy  in  England  are  well  known;  her  manufactures  have 
"  become  a  source  of  wealth  incalculable  ;  the  treasures  of 
"  Spanish  America  are  poured  into  her  lap  ;  her  commerce 
u  is  spread  over  every  ocean,  an.d,  with  a  population  com- 
"  paratively  small,  she  is  the  terror  and  the  spoiler  of  Eu- 
*'  rope.  Take  from  England  her  manufactures,  and  the  foun- 
"  tains  of  her  wealth  would  be  broken  up ;  her  pre-emi- 
"  nence  among  nations  would  be  lost  for  ever. 

u  For  a  speedy  redress  of  such  pressing  evils,  we  look 
"  to  the  government  of  the  union.  Will  they  uphold  the  sink- 
"  ing  manufactures  of  the  country,  or  -will  they  not  f  are  their 
"  late  assurances  of  aid  and  protection  forgotten  with  the 
"  crisis  that  gave  them  birth?  Let  them  realize  the  hopes 
"  of  the  country,  and  act  with  decision  before  it  be  too 
"  late. 

"  In  the  United  States  we  have  the  knowledge  of  the 
"  labour-saving  machinery,  the  raw  material,  and  provi- 
u  sions  cheaper  than  in  Britain  ;  but  the  overgrown  capital 
"  of  the  British  manufacturer,  and  the  dexterity  acquired 
"  by  long  experience,  make  a  considerable  time,  and  heavy 
"  duties  necessary  for  our' protection. — We  have  beaten 
"  England  out  of  our  market  in  hats,  shoes,  boots,  and  all 
"  manufactures  of  leather :  we  are  very  much  her  superior 
"  in  ship  building ;  these  are  all  the  works  of  the  hands, 
"  where  labour-saving  machinery  gives  no  aid  ;  so  that  h?r 
"  superiority  over  us  in  manufactures,  consists  more  in  the  ex- 
"  cellence  and  nicety  of  the  labour-saving  machinery,  than  hi 
"  the  wages  of  labour.  With  all  their  jealousy,  and  restric- 
"  tions  upon  the  emigrations  of  workmen,  the  distresses  and 
"  misfortunes  of  England  will,  by  due  encouragement,  send 


(  lot  ) 

u  much  of  her  skill  and  knowledge  to  our  shores  ;  let  us  be 
"  ready  to  take  full  benefit  of  such  events,  as  England  her- 
u  self  did  when  despotic  laws  in  Germany,  and  other 
"  parts  of  Europe,  drove  their  manufacturers  into  Britain, 
"  which  laid  the  foundation  of  her  present  eminence. 

"That  the  cotton  trade  and  manufa-'.tmc  is  a  concvra 
u  of  vast  importance,  and  even  of  leading' interest  to  the' 
"  country,  is  a  truth,  your  memorialists  Tconce've/too  \rA- 
"  pable,  to  be  denied  or  doubted.  Were  not  our  own  con- 
"  stant  observation  and  daily  experience  sufficient  to  es- 
"  tablish  it,  the  prodigious  exertions  of  our  ever-vigilant 
"  and  indefatigable  rival,  directed  against  this  particular  in- 
"  terest,  would  place  the  matter  beyond  a  question.  For 
"  where  a  judicious  and  enterprizing  opponent  (as  England 
"  undoubtedly  is  in  this  respect)  directs  her  strongest  en- 
"  gines  of  hostility,  we  have  reason  to  conclude  there  lies 
"  our  vital  and  most  important  concerns.  This  considera- 
"  tion  is  coming  home  to  us  with  more  and  more  force  ;  and 
"  the  cotton  planter,  as  well  as  the  manufacturer,  must  have 
u  before  this  time  discovered  the  alarming  fact,  that  our  great 
"rival  has  become  possessed  of  both  our  plants  and  seeds  of 
"  cotton,  which  she  is  employing  all  her  vast  means  to  pro- 
" pagate  in  the  East  Indies  and  other  British  possessions, 
"  with  an  energy  and  success  which  threaten  the  most  alarm- 
"  ing  consequences.  When  your  memorialists  consider  that 
"  the  article  thus  jeopardized  is  the  great  staple  of  the 
u  country,  they  cannot  but  hope  the  people  and  their  re- 
"  presentatives  will  be  generally  convinced,  that  it  is  not 
"  the  interest  of  individuals  alone  that  is  at  stake,  but  that 
u  of  the  whole  community. 

"  An  appeal  is  made  to  the  equity,  to  the  patriotism  of  the 
"southern  statesman  :  his  aid  and  co-operation  is  invoked  for 
"  the  relief  of  the  suffering  manufacturers  of  the  northern  and 
44  middle  states. 

44  In  the  interior  of  the  United  States,  few  articles  can 
"  be  raised  which  will  bear  a  distant  transportation  ;  pro- 
41  ducts  much  more  valuable  when  the  grorver  and  consumer 
44  are  near  each,  other,  are  therefore  excluded  from  cultivation. 


102  ) 

u  A  dependence  on  foreign  markets  in  the  most  prosperous 
"  times  necessarily  restricts  the  labours  of  agriculture  to  a  very 
"few  objects  ;  a  careless,  decrepit,  and  unprofitable  cultivation 
a  is  the  known  result. 

"  The  propriety  of  these  observations  may,  in  some  de- 

f'"gree,  be  illustrated  by  the  difference  in  value  between  the 

'"land  in  the  vicinity  of  a  large  town,  and  at  a  greater  dis- 

,  st  larn:f-  from  it.     The  labour  which  produces  the  greatest 

"  quantity  of 'subsistence  is  bestowed  in  the  culture  of  arti- 

44  cles  too  cumbrous  for  transportation;  and  in  general  a 

"  farm  which  will  subsist  fifty  persons  in  its  vicinity,  would 

u  not  subsist  the  fifth  of  that  number  three  hundred  miles 

'"  off.    If  the  value  of  land  be  so  much  enhanced  by  the  prox- 

"  imity  of  a   market,  and  so  rapidly  diminished  by  the  dis- 

"  tance  of  transportation,  the  introduction  of  manufactories, 

"  and  the  creation  of  an  interior  market,  ought  to  be  regarded 

"  as  peculiarly  auspicious  to  the  interest  of  agriculturists. 

"  Confining  our  views  to  the  western  country,  we  might  em- 
u  phatically  ask,  with  what  exportable  commodities  shall  were- 
"store  the  balance  of  trade,  now  fast  accumulating  against 
"us?  How  arrest  the  incessant  drain  of  our  capital?  Our 
"manufactures  are  perishing  around  us,  and  already  millions 
"  have  escaped,  never  to  return" 

It  will  remain  an  eternal  blot  on  the  escutcheon 
of  the  fourteenth  congress,  that  this  pathetic 
address  received  no  more  attention  than  if  it 
had  been  from  a  party  of  field  negroes  to  a 
marble-hearted  overseer. 

From  the  Oneida  Memorial. 

"  That  the  above  county  contains  a  greater  number  of 
"  manufacturing  establishments,  of  cotton  and  woollen,  than 
"  any  county  in  the  state,  there  being  invested  in  said  es- 
"  tablishments  at  least  600,000  dollars. 

"  That  although  the  utmost  efforts  have  been  made  by 


(    103   ) 

44  the  proprietors  to  sustain  those  establishments,  their 
u  efforts  have  proved  fruitless,  and  more  than  three-fourths 
44  of  the  factories  remain  necessarily  closed,  some  of  the  pro- 
44  prietors  being  wholly  ruined,  and  others  struggling  under 
44  the  greatest  embarrassment. 

u  In  this  alarming  situation,  we  beg  leave  to  make  a  last 
"  appeal  to  the  congress  of  the  United  States.  While  we 
"  make  this  appeal,  our  present  and  extensive  embarrass- 
"  ments  in  most  of  the  great  departments  of  industry,  as 
"  well  as  the  peculiar  difficulty  in  affording  immediate  relief 
"  to  manufacturers,  are  fully  seen  and  appreciated.  Yet  your 
"  petitioners  cannot  believe  that  the  legislature  of  the  union 
"  will  remain  an  indifferent  spectator  of  the  wide-spread  ruin 
44  of  their  fellorv  citizens,  and  look  on,  and  see  a  great  branch 
"  of  industry,  of  the  utmost  importance  in  every  community, 
"prostrated  under  circumstances  fatal  to  all  future  attempts 
44  at  revival,  without  a  further  effort  for  relief.  We  would 
44  not  magnify  the  subject,  which  we  now  present  to  con- 
44  gress,  beyond  its  just  merits,  when  we  state  it  to  be  one  of 
41  the  utmost  importance  to  the  future  interests  and  welfare 
44  of  the  United  States. 

44  It  is  objected  that  the  entire  industry  of  the  country 
44  may  be  most  profitably  exerted  in  clearing  and  cultivating 
44  our  extended  vacant  lands.  But  what  does  it  avail  the 
"farmer,  when  neither  in  the  nation  from  which  he  purchases 
44  his  goods,  or  elsewhere,  can  he  fnd  a  market  for  his  abun- 
44  dant  crops  f  Besides,  the  diversion  of  labour  from  agricul- 
ture to  manufactures,  is  scarcely  perceptible.  Five  or  six 
44  adults,  with  the  aid  of  children,  will  manage  a  cotton 
44  manufactory  of  two  thousand  spindles." 

These  memorials  were  all  referred  to  the  com- 
mittee of  commerce  and  manufactures,  which 
was  then,  so  far  as  regarded  them,  a  committee 
of  oblivion.  After  a  lapse  of  two  months,  that  is, 
about  the  middle  of  February,  a  bill  for  the  re- 


(   104  ) 


lief  of  the  iron  masters  was  reported — read 
twice — and  suffered  to  die  a  natural  death ;  hav- 
ing never  been  called  up  for  a  third  reading. 
All  the  other  memorials  passed  wholly  unno- 
ticed— and  were  never  even  reported  on  by 
the  committee !  What  renders  this  procedure 
the  more  revolting,  is,  that  some  of  them 
were  from  large  bodies  of  men  of  the  first 
respectability.  That  from  New  York  was  signed 
by  the  governor  of  the  state,  and  other  eminent 
characters.  And,  moreover,  many  of  the  peti- 
tioners had  agents  at  Washington  to  advocate 
their  claims. 

The  senate  displayed  the  same  culpable  dis- 
regard of  the  applications,  the  sufferings,  and 
the  distresses  of  their  fellow  citizens,  engaged 
in  manufactures,  as  the  house  of  representa- 
tives. They  afforded  no  relief—nor  did  they 
even  once  consider  the  applications  of  the  pe- 
titioners. But  they  paid  somewhat  more  regard 
to  decorum.  The  petitioners  and  memorialists 
had  in  succession  leave  granted  them  to  with- 
draw their  papers,  on  the  motion  of  a  member 
of  the  committee  of  commerce  and  manufac- 
tures ! ! 

The  practice  of  congress,  it  appears,  is  to  read 
the  heads  of  petitions ;  and  then,  without  further 
enquiry,  to  refer  them  to  the  committee  to  which 
the  business  properly  appertains.  It  cannot  fail 
to  excite  the  astonishment  oi  tiie  citizens  of  the 


(    105    ) 

United  States  to  learn,  that  when  they  have 
found  it  necessary  to  meet  and  address  their 
representatives,  elected  to  guard  their  interests, 
and  paid  liberally  for  their  services,  those  re- 
presentatives do  not  condescend  even  to  hear  or 
read  what  are  their  grievances,  or  the  mode  of 
redress  proposed !  This  is  really  so  very  inde- 
corous and  so  shameful  as  to  be  absolutely  in- 
credible, if  the  fact  were  not  established  on  good 
authority.  Many  of  the  most  despotic  princes  of 
the  East  usually  read  the  petitions  of  the  mean- 
est of  their  subjects.  But  under  the  free  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States,  the  great  tides  of 
New  York,  Philadelphia,  Baltimore,  and  Boston, 
may  combine  together  to  seek  relief  from  in- 
tolerable grievances;  respectfully  address  their 
representatives ;  and  have  their  prayers  not 
merely  rejected,  but  not  even  heard  !  The  an- 
nals of  legislation  may,  I  am  persuaded,  be  ran- 
sacked in  vain  for  a  parallel  to  this  outrageous 
conduct. 

When  we  reflect  on  the  waste  of  time  in 
frothy  speeches  on  points  of  little  importance — 
or  on  points  of  great  importance,  after  the  sub- 
ject has  been  completely  exhausted — and  com- 
pare it  with  that  economy  of  time  which  for- 
bids the  spending  ten  or  fifteen  minutes  in 
reading  a  petition  from  a  great  city,  the  capi- 
tal of  a  state,  with  a  population  of  above  a  mil- 
lion  of  people,  we  are  lost  in  astonishment  at  the 

14 


106    ) 

introduction  of  a  practice  which  so  egregiously 
violates  every  rule  of  duty,  decency,  and  pro- 
priety. 

In  the  ensuing  session,  1817-18,  the  same  pa- 
thetic appeals  to  the  justice,  the  humanity,  the 
generosity,  the  public  spirit  of  congress  were 
made,  and  with  little  more  effect. 

Two  unimportant  acts  alone  on  the  subject  of 
manufactures  were  passed  at  this  session.  One 
increasing  the  duties  on  iron,  and  the  other  on 
copper,  saddlery,  harness,  cut  glass,  tacks,  brads, 
sprigs,  and  Russia  sheetings.  But  on  the  great 
and  important  articles  of  cotton  and  woollen 
goods  there  was  no  increase  of  duty.  The  ad- 
ditional duties  on  iron  have  been  ineffectual — 
as  the  manufacture  is  at  present  in  a  most  pros- 
trate state. 


Allegiance  and  protection  are  reciprocal  du- 
ties. To  withhold  the  one  forfeits  the  claim  to 
the  other.  And  it  is  due  to  justice  to  state,  that 
the  manufacturers  of  the  United  States,  wrho, 
with  their  families  and  persons  of  every  de- 
scription depending  on  them,  amount  to 
1,500,000  souls — with  a  capital  of  8  150,000, 
000,  and  producing  probably  8  350,000,000 
per  annum,  have  not  had  that  protection  from 
the  government  to  which  their  numbers  and 
their  importance  give  them  so  fair  a  claim. 


(    107    ) 

A  large  portion  of  mankind,  probably,  even 
in  this  country,  three-fourths,  have  no  property 
but  in  the  labour  of  their  hands.  To  so  many  of 
them  as  are  divested  of  this  by  an  erroneous 
policy,  one  of  the  grand  objects  of  government  is 
destroyed — And  therefore,  so  far  as  property  is 
concerned,  their  situation  is  no  better  than  that 
of  the  subjects  of  despotism. 

I  go  further.  The  situation  of  the  manufac- 
turing capitalist  in  the  United  States  is  incompa- 
rably worse  than  that  of  the  manufacturing  sub- 
jects of  the  monarchs  of  Europe,  so  far  as  regards 
the  protection  of  property. 

This  strong  expression  will  excite  the  sur- 
prize of  some  superficial  readers.  But  it  is  a 
crisis  that  demands  a  bold  expression  of  truth. 
And  the  assertion  need  not  be  retracted  or  quali- 
fied. Here  is  the  proof.  Let  Mr.  Garnett,  or  Mr. 
Pegram,  or  any  of  the  agricultural  delegates  re- 
fute it.  Let  us  suppose  a  subject  of  Russia,*  to 
invest  a  capital  of  one  hundred  thousand  dol- 
lars in  a  manufacture  of  calicoes.  He  has  no 
foreign  competitor  to  dread.  The  fostering  care 
of  the  government  watches  over  him  with  the 
tenderness  of  a  parent.  He  has  loans  if  neces- 
sary. Bounties  are  also  occasionally  afforded. 
No  combination  of  foreign  rivals  can  operate 


*  The  reasoning  applies  equally  to  France,  England,  and 
Austria. 


:) 


(    108    ) 

his  destruction.  The  domestic  market  is  secured 
to  him,  with  no  othejr  than  the  fair  and  legitimate 
competition  of  his  fellow  subjects,  which  always 
guards  the  rest  of  the  nation  against  imposition. 
His  plans  arrive  at  maturity.  He  reaps  the  rich 
reward  of  his  talents,  his  time,  his  industry,  his 
capital.  He  gives  support  to  hundreds,  perhaps 
thousands,  and  is  daily  adding  to  the  wealth, 
power,  resources,  and  independence  of  the  coun- 
try which  affords  him  full  protection ;  and  amply 
repays  her  kindness. 

Let  us  turn  from  this  delightful  picture  of  fos- 
tering and  tender  care,  under  a  despotism,  to 
'  the  wretched,  depressed,  and  vilified  American 
capitalist,  under  a  government  which  in  its  prin- 
ciples is  really  and  truly  the  best  that  ever  ex- 
isted. He  invests  one  hundred  thousand  dollars 
in  a  similar  establishment;  engages  hundreds  of 
people  in  a  useful  and  profitable  manufacture  \ 
finally  conquers  all  the  various  difficulties  that 
new  undertakings  have  to  encounter;  and  brings 
his  fabrics  to  market,  in  the  hope  of  that  reward1 
to  which  industry,  capital,  and  talent  have  so  fair 
a  claim.  Alas  !  he  has  to  meet  not  only  the  com- 
petition of  his  fellow  citizens,  but  of  all  the  ma- 
nufacturing world.  While  he  is  excluded  abso- 
lutely by  prohibition,  or  virtually  by  prohibitory 
duties,  from  nearly  all  the  markets  in  Europe, 
and  indeed  elsewhere,  the  East  Indies,  England. 
France,  and  Italy  divide  the  home  market  with 


(    109     ) 

him,  which  is  crowded  with  cargoes  of  similar 
articles,  by  the  cupidity  or  the  distresses,  but  as 
often  by  the  stratagems,  of  foreign  manufac- 
turers, in  order  to  overwhelm  him,  and  secure 
the  market  ultimately  to  themselves.  Their 
goods  are  sent  to  vendue,  and  sacrificed  below 
prime  cost  in  Europe.  His  cannot  find  a  market, 
but  at  a  sacrifice  which  ruins  him.  He  implores 
relief  from  hi^  unfeeling  countrymen.  But  he 
implores  in  vain.  Their  hearts  are  steeled  against 
his  sufferings.  They  meet  all  his  complaints,  all 
his  prayers,  with  trite  common  places  about 
"  taxing  the  many  for  the  benefit  of  the  few,  free 
trade,"  6jc.  fyc. — and  he  is  charged  with  extor- 
tion by  men  who  for  thirty  successive  years 
received  from  him  and  his  brethren  extravagant 
prices  for  all  their  productions !  He  becomes 
bankrupt-,  and  dies  of  a  broken  heart.  His 
family,  born  to  high  expectations,  are  reduced 
to  a  state  of  dependence.  His  workmen  are 
driven  to  idleness  and  want,  and  exposed  to  the 
lures  of  guilt.  The  state  is  deprived  of  a  useful 
citizen,  who  might  have  added  to  her  "  wealth, 
power,  and  resources."— His  fate  operates  as  a 
beacon  to  others,  to  beware  of  his  career — And 
the  wealth  of  the  nation  is  exhausted  to  pay  for 
foreign  articles,  substitutes  for  which  he  could 
have  furnished  of  far  better  quality,  and,  though 
nominally  dearer,  in  reality  cheaper.  This  is  the 
policy,  and  these  arr  its  consequences,  atlvo- 


(    110    ) 

cated  by  the  agriculturists  of  Virginia ! !  And 
this  is  the  deleterious  policy,  fraught  with  de- 
struction to  the  happiness  of  a  large  portion  of 
its  citizens,  that  is  pursued  by  the  United  States 
of  America. 

*  Hundreds  of  capitalists  throughout  this  coun- 
try— thousands  of  workmen — millions  of  de- 
stroyed capital — and  the  general  impoverish- 
ment of  the  nation,  bear  testimony  to  the  cor- 
rectness of  this  hideous  portrait,  so  disgraceful 
to  our  country,  such  a  libel  on  its  mistaken 
policy. 

To  such  a  man  what  does  it  signify  by  what 
name  you  call  the  government  ?  It  is,  you  say,  a 
republic.  True.  But,  alas!  he  is  ruined  by  its 
impolicy.  The  most  despotic  government  in 
the  world  could  do  no  more  than  ruin  him. 
And  some  of  them,  it  appears,  would  have 
protected  him.  Therefore,  1  repeat,  so  far  as 
property  is  concerned,  the  difference  is  against 
the  United  States.  In  fact,  the  better  the 
form  of  government,  the  more  grievous  his  dis- 
tress. Under  a  despotism  "  to  suffer  and  sub- 
mit" would  be  "  his  charter."  But  to  be  mocked 
and  deluded  with  the  promise  of  equal  rights 
arid  equal  protection  under  a  free  government, 
and  unfeelingly  consigned  to  destruction  by  his 
own  fellow  citizens,  and  representatives,  by  the 
men  whom  he  has  clothed  with  the  power  to 
destroy  him — barbs  the  dart  with  tenfold  keen- 


(  111  ) 

Having  submitted  this  portrait  to  the  citizens 
of  the  United  States,  I  ask,  whether  there  be  a 
greater  contrast  between  the  conduct  of  a  fond 
mother  towards  her  only  and  darling  child — and 
that  of  a  rigorous  step-mother,  towards  a  step- 
child, which  interferes  with  her  views  towards 
her  own  offspring,  than  there  is  between  the 
treatment  of  manufacturers  in  Russia  and  in  the 
United  States  ? 

If  these  views  be  unpalatable,  the  fault  is  not 
mine.  Let  those  answer  for  them,  who  have  ren- 
dered their  exposure  necessary.  Their  truth 
can  be  judicially  proved. 

The  situation  of  a  very  considerable  portion 
of  our  citizens,  is  far  worse  than  in  the  colonial 
state.  They  had  then  no  competitors  in  the  mar- 
kets of  their  country  but  their  fellow  subjects  of 
Great  Britain.  Now  they  have  competitors  from 
almost  every  part  of  Europe  and  from  the  East 
Indies.  The  case  of  the  paper  makers  affords 
a  striking  illustration  of  this  position.  One- 
half  of  them  in  the  middle  states  are  ruined — 
not  by  the  importation  of  British  paper,  of 
which  little  comes  to  this  market — but  by  French 
and  Italian,  with  which  our  markets  were  de- 
luged for  two  or  three  years  after  the  war. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Dilatory  mode  of  proceeding  in  Congress.  La- 
mentable waste  of  time.  Statement  of  the  pro- 
gress of  Mils.  Eighty -two  signed  in  one  day! 
and  four  hundred  and  twenty  in  eleven!  Un- 
feeling treatment  of  Gen.  Stark.  Culpable  at- 
tention to  punctilio.  Rapid  movement  of  com- 
pensation bill. 

To  every  man  interested  in  the  honour  and 
prosperity  of  the  country,  it  is  a  subject  of  deep 
regret  to  reflect  on  the  mode  in  which  the  pub- 
lic business  is  managed  in  and  by  congress.    It 
is  among  the  sources  of  the  distress  and  embar- 
rassment of  our  affairs,  and  requires  an  early 
and  radical  remedy.     While  in  session,  a  con- 
siderable proportion  of  the  members  are  em- 
ployed   in    chatting — writing  letters   to   their 
friends,  or  reading  letters  or  newspapers.  They 
pay  little  or  no  attention  to  the  arguments  of 
the  speakers,  except  to  those  of  a  few  of  distin- 
guished talents.    To  some  of  the  orators,  how- 
ever,  this  is  no  great  disappointment ;  as  their 
speeches  are  too  often  made  for  the  newspa- 
pers, and  to  display  their  talents  to  their  c 
stituents. 


(    "3    ) 

But  the  lamentable  waste  of  time  by  the  spirit 
of  procrastination  in  the  early  part  of  the  session, 
and  by  never-ending  speechifying  throughout  its 
continuance,  is  the  greatest  evil,  and  is  dis- 
creditable to  congress  and  highly  pernicious  to 
the  public  service.  There  is  in  almost  every  ses- 
sion some  subject  of  real  or  factitious  importance, 
on  which  every  member  capable  of  speaking 
thinks  himself  bound  to  harangue,  and  to  "keep 
the  floor,"  for  two,  three,  four,  five  or  six  hours. 
The  merits  of  the  speeches  are  generally  mea- 
sured by  the  length  of  time  they  occupy.  They 
are  all,  to  judge  by  the  puffs  in  the  newspapers, 
elegant,  wonderful,  powerful,  admirable,  excel- 
lent, inimitable. 

In  most  cases,  it  will  be  found,  as  is  perfectly 
natural,  that  the  early  speeches,  on  each  side, 
particularly  if  by  men  of  talents,  exhaust  the 
subject ;  and  that  those  which  follow  them,  do 
little  more  than  retail  the  arguments  previously 
advanced.  It  surely  requires  no  small  disre- 
gard of  decorum  for  a  member  to  occupy  the 
time  of  a  public  body,  to  whose  care  are  entrust- 
ed the  concerns  of  a  great  nation,  with  such  fan 
tiguing  repetitions. 

The  debate  on  the  repeal  of  the  compensa- 
tion act  cost  some  weeks;  that  on  the  Seminole 
war,  fills  six  hundred  octavo  pages;  which,  if 
divested  of  the  duplications,  triplications,  and 
quadruplicates,  the  rhetorical  flourishes,  and 

15 


extraneous  matter,  would  be  reduced  to  two 
hundred — perhaps  to  one  hundred  and  fifty. 
The  Missouri  question  will  probably  fill  from 
eight  hundred  to  one  thousand  pages.   Some  of 
the  prologues  to  these  speeches  are,  as  was  hu- 
mourously observed  by  a  member  long  since, 
like  "sale  coats,"  calculated  to  suit  almost  any 
other  subject  equally  well.    Arid  during  this 
miserable  waste  of  time,  excitement  of  angry 
passions,  and  seditious  threats  of  separation, 
there  is  a  total  suspension  of  the  business  of 
the  nation,  whose  blood  flows  at  every  pore — 
whose  revenues  are  failing — whose  manufac- 
tures are  paralized — of  whose  commerce  one- 
half  is  annihilated — whose  merchants  and  manu- 
facturers are  daily  swallowing  up  in  the  vortex 
of  bankruptcy — whose  great  staples  have  fallen 
in  price  at  least  thirty  per  cent. — and  which  ex- 
hibits in  every  direction  most  appalling  scenes 
of  calamity  and  distress ! 

Some  idea  may  be  formed  'of  the  mode  in 
which  the  business  of  this  nation  is  conducted 
by  its  legislature,  from  the  following  chronolo- 
gical statement  of  the  periods  at  which  the  acts 
of  successive  sessions  were  approved  by  the 
presidents.  Between  their  passage  in  the  two 
houses  and  the  dates  of  the  presidents'  signa- 
tures, there  may  be  some  few  days  difference,  for 
which  the  reader  will  make  allowance.  But  be 
that  allowance  what  it  may,  it  cannot  remove 


(    115    ) 

the  accusation  of  a  most  ruinous  waste  of  time, 
and  a  most  culpable  and  shameful  procrastina- 
tion of  public  business  in  congress. 

In  the  first  session  of  the  twelfth  congress, 
which  commenced  on  the  4th  of  November, 
1811,  and  terminated  on  the  6th  of  July,  1812, 
there  were  one  hundred  and  thirty-eight  acts 
passed,  which  were  signed  by  the  president  in 
the  following  chronological  order — 

In  November        -                                     -  2 

.    December              ......  8 

January             ......  9 

February      -----*-  14 

March      -  -       14 

April  26 

May  -       21 

June     --------  17 

July  1st  8 

July  6th       -  29 

138 


Twelfth  congress. — Second  session.    From  November  2, 1812, 
to  March  3,  1813.— Sixty-two  acts 

November   --------1 

December         --------4 

January       --------11 

February  23 

March  3d 23 


62 


(    116    ) 


Thirteenth  congress. — First  session.  From  May  24,  to  Aug. 
2,  1813. — Fifty -nine  acts. 

May  -  - 

June       -------- 

July 

August  2d     -         -  -         - 


00 
3 

32 
24 

59 


The  twenty-four  acts  signed  on  the  2d  of 
August,  contain  forty-six  pages  of  close  print. 
The  act  imposing  the  direct  tax,  is  in  the  num- 
ber, and  contains  twenty-two  pages. 

Thirteenth   congress.  —  Second  session.     From    December  6, 
1813,  to  April  18,  1814.  —  Ninety-foe  acts. 

December  - 

January            .-..•.  -7 

February     .'....---  7 

March     -                             -  -  27 

April  1st  to  16th  18 

April  18th       -  34 


Thirteenth  congress. —  Third  session.    From   September 

1814,  to  March  3,  1815. — One  hundred  acts. 
September  -         -         -         -         - 

October          --.--.. 

November 

December      - 

January     ------ 

February       -         -         -         -         - 

March  1st         - 

March  3d 


95 


19 


9 
38 

4 
31 


10O 


The  thirty-one  acts  signed  on  the  3d  of  March, 
contain  thirty-five  pages. 

This  was  the  ever  memorable  session  of  con- 
gress, in  which  the  imbecility  of  the  majority  and 
the  factious  violence  of  the  minority,  brought 
the  nation  to  the  jaws  of  destruction,  previous  to 
the  close  of  the  war. 

Fourteenth  congress. — First  session.    From  December  4,  1815, 
to  April  30,  1816. — One  hundred  and  seventy-three  acts. 
December         ----....  o 

January        -----...4 
February          -----..  15 

March  ...  14 

April  2d  to  the  24th  39 

26th  and  27th     -  59 

29th 31 

30th -          8 


173 


Fourteenth   congress. — Second  session.     From   December   2, 
1816,  to  March  3,  1817. — One  hundred  and  fourteen  acts. 
In  December         -.--...<x) 
In  January     -         -         -,-         -         -         -         -8 

In  February     .......  10 

On  Saturday,  March  1st  -      14 

March  3d 82 


114 


The  acts  of  this  session  are  comprised  in  one 
hundred  pages.  Those  signed  in  January  occu- 
py three  pages  and  a  half — those  in  February 


four — those  on  the  first  of  March  nine — and 
those  on  the  3d  seventy-three  ! 

Fifteenth  congress. — First  session.    From  November  16, 1817, 

to  April  2O,  1818. — One  hundred  and  thirty  acts. 
November  ...  00 

December      -  -  -  -  -  1 

January  .  .  .  7 

February        -  -  -     6 

March      -  -  -  -  -  -1O 

April  3d  to  18th  -     54 

April  20th          •*  .  .  .  53 


130 


The  fifty-two  acts  signed  on  the  20th  of 
April,  contain  of  J.  E.  Hall's  edition,  no  less  than 
eighty-seven  pages.  In  this  session  there  were, 
it  appears,  one  hundred  and  six  acts  passed  in 
seventeen  days — and  only  twenty-four  in  the 
preceding  four  months  and  a  half! 

The  annals  of  legislation  may  be  challenged 
for  any  parallel  case. 

Fifteenth  congress. — Second  session.  From  November  16,1818, 

to  March  3,  1819. — One  hundred  and  seven  acts. 

November         ....  00 

December             -                            -         -  7 

January  4 

February       -                             -                                      -  33 

March  2d  8 

March  3d                                                                         -  55 

107 


This  system  of  procrastination  has  been  coeval 
with  the  government.  I  am  informed  by  a  gen- 
tleman of  veracity,  that  General  Washington, 
when  an  extraordinary  number  of  acts  were 
presented  to  him  on  the  last  day  of  a  session, 
more  than  he  could  correctly  decide  upon,  has 
expressed  a  strong  and  most  marked  disappro- 
bation of  so  incorrect  a  procedure. 

Analysis. 

Sessions  of  congress  ...  9 

Duration       ......         months  39J 

Acts  passed      -----.-       988 

Of  which  were  signed  in  eleven  days          -         -       42O 

Viz. 

1812.  July  6th 29 

1813.  March  3d 23 

August  3d    -  -     24 

1814.  April  18th                              ....  34 

1815.  March  3d ,     -  .31 

1816.  April  26th,  27th  and  29th  90 

1817.  March  3d     -                   -                   -  -     82 

1818.  April  20th                   -  52 

1819.  March  3d                   ...                   -  55 

Acts  signed  in  eleven  days         -  420    , 


Thus  it  appears  that  in  three  years  and  three 
months  there  were  568  acts  signed — &ndir\eleve?i 
days,  as  I  have  stated,  420 ! !  Wonderful  sys- 
tem of  legislation ! 

No  small  share  of  the  censure  due  to  the  pro- 


(    120    ) 

crastination  of  the  public  business,  so  visible  in 
the  above  proceedings,  justly  attaches  to  the 
speaker  for  the  time  being.  He  ought  to  keep  a 
docket  of  the  business  brought  before  the  house, 
and  urge  committees  to  perform  their  duty.  Cer- 
tain days  should  be  appointed  to  make  reports, 
which  ought  then  to  be  called  for.  If  not  ready, 
others  should  be  fixed.  And  whenever  the  pub- 
lic business  is  unnecessarily  or  wantonly  pro- 
crastinated, his  duty  requires  the  use  of  strong 
animadversion.  This  arrangement  would  be  pro- 
ductive of  the  most  salutary  consequences.  But 
for  want  of  this  or  some  other  system,  a  very 
large  portion  of  every  session  is  literally  thrown 
away.  And  so  much  of  the  business  is  crowded 
together  at  the  close,  that  it  is  impossible  to  con- 
coct it  properly.  Ever  since  the  organization 
of  the  government,  three-fourths  of  all  the  im- 
portant acts  have  been  passed  within  the  last 
week  or  ten  days  of  each  session. 

Is  it  then  surprising  that  the  national  business 
is  egregiously  ill-managed  ?  That  the  reitera- 
ted requests  of  so  large  a  portion  of  our  citizens, 
for  a  bankrupt  and  other^salutary  acts,  are  of  no 
avail  ? — How  is  it  possible  for  the  members — 
how  is  it  possible  for  a  president — to  dis- 
charge their  respective  duties  conscientiously, 
with  such  a  system  ?  Can  any  powers  short  of 
superhuman  enable  the  latter  to  decide  on  the 
justice,  the  propriety,  the  constitutionality  of 


twenty,  thirty,  forty,  fifty,  sixty,  seventy,  or 
eighty  acts  in  one  or  two  days  ?  Is  not  this 
making  a  mere  mockery  of  legislation  ? 

Two,  three,  and  sometimes  four  months  are 
drawled  away  in  the  early  part  of  the  session — 
with  three,  four,  six,  eight,  ten  or  twelve  acts— 
and  afterwards  all  the  business  is  hurried  through 
with  indecent  haste.  In  the  one  portion  of  the 
time,  the  progress  resembles  that  of  the  snail  or 
the  sloth — in  the  other,  that  of  the  high  mettled 
racer.  In  fact  and  in  truth,  if  Congress  desired  to 
bring  republican  government  into  disgrace,  to 
render  it  a  bye-word  and  a  reproach,  it  would 
not  be  very  easy  to  devise  a  plan  more  admira- 
bly calculated  for  the  purpose  than  a  considera- 
ble part  of  their  proceedings. 

One  ruinous  consequence  attending  the  sys- 
tem pursued,  is,  that  at  the  close  of  every  ses- 
sion, some  of  the  most  important  bills  are  neces- 
sarily postponed. 

It  is  frequently  said  in  justification  of  the  pro- 
crastination of  congress,  and  the  little  business 
that  is  executed  in  the  early  part  of  the  session, 
that  the  committees  are  employed  in  digesting 
and  preparing  their  reports.  It  is  obvious,  that 
this  must  require  time.  But  whoever  considers 
the  nature  of  a  large  portion  of  the  business  thai 
is  discussed  in  that  body,  will  be  convinced  that 
it  might  be  dispatched  in  a  fifth  part  of  the  time 
it  occupies. 

16 


Among  the  acts  hurried  through  at  the  close 
of  the  session,  there  are  frequently  some,  and 
among  them  private  ones,  which  have  "drag- 
ged their  slow  length  along"  for  months  before, 
and  which  might  as  readily  he  decided  on  in  a  week 
as  in  six  months.  I  annex  the  dates  of  introduc- 
tion and  of  signature  of  a  few  to  exemplify  this. 

Reported.  Signed. 
Act  to  divide  the  state  of  Pennsylvania 

into  districts,  1818.  Feb.  4  April  20 
Act  for  publication  of  laws,  -  Jan.  16  April  20 
Act  for  relief  of  B.  Birdsall  Jail.  27  April  20 
Act  for  incorporating  Columbian  In- 
stitute, Feb.  3  April  2O 
Act  for  relief  of  Gen.  Brown,  Feb.  9  April  18 
Act  for  relief  of  T.  &  J.  Clifford  Jan.  2O  April  20 

The  bill  for  the  relief  of  T.  $  J.  Clifford, 
which  was  three  months  on  its  passage  through 
the  houses,  contains  about  twenty  lines,  and  was 
for  the  remission  of  duties  paid  on  articles  not 
subject  to  duty.  Three  days  would  have  an- 
swered as  well  for  the  discussion  as  seven 
years.  Such  is  the  case  with  half  the  bills  that 
are  crowded  together  at  the  last  day  of  the  ses- 
sion. 

Jt  may  not  be  uninteresting  to  make  a  few  fur- 
ther extracts  from  the  journals,  shedding  addi- 
tional light  on  this  important  subject. 

1819.  April  18.  "  Engrossed  bills  of  the  following  titles 
"  (?iine  in  number)  were  severally  read  a  third  time  and  pass* 
"ed" 


(     133    ) 

April  20.  "  Bills  from  the  senate  of  the  following  titles 
"  (ten  in  number)  were  severally  read  a  third  time  and  pass- 
"  ed." 

Eodem  Die.  "  A  message  from  the  senate  that  they  have 
"  passed  bills  of  this  house  of  the  following  titles,  to  wit — 
"  (eighteen  in  number.)" 

By  a  careful  search  through  the  journals  of 
different  sessions,  we  might  find  three  or  four 
hundred  bills,  thus  bundled  together,  and  hastily 
read  oft*  ten  or  a  dozen  en  suite. 

The  case  of  General  Stark  deserves  to  be  put 
on  record,  to  corroborate  some  of  the  opinions 
offered  in  this  chapter. 

On  the  6th  of  March,  1818,  a  petition  was 
presented  by  this  old  veteran,  representing  his 
necessitous  circumstances,  and  praying  that  the 
bounty  of  the  national  government  might  be  ex- 
tended to  him,  in  the  decline  of  life,  in  com- 
pensation of  his  faithful  services  in  defence  of 
his  country.  It  was  referred  to  a  committee,  who 
reported  a  bill  on  the  9th,  which  was  read  the 
first  and  second  time  on  that  day.  It  then  lay 

tover  untouched  for  above  five  weeks,  till  Saturday 
the  18th  of  April,  when  it  was  passed  and  sent  to 
the  senate,  where  it  was  read  and  referred  to  the 
committee  on  pensions,  who  reported  it  on  that 
day  without  amendments.  It  was  read  the  third 
time  on  Monday  the  20th,  in  committee  of  the 
whole,  and  agreed  to  -with  amendments.  It  being 
against  a  rule  of  the  senate  to  pass  a  bill  under 
those  circumstances,  on  the  same  clav.  Mr.  Fro- 


mentin  moved  that  the  rule  be  dispensed  with. 
But  this  motion  ivas  unfeelingly  rejected.  And  as 
the  session  was  closed  that  day,  the  bill  of 
course  was  lost ;  and  the  venerable  old  hero, 
about  ninety  years  of  age,  and  bending  over  the 
grave,  was  disappointed  at  that  time  of  receiv- 
ing the  pittance  intended  for  him.  The  im- 
portance of  his  victory  at  Bennington,  which  led 
to  those  all-important  events,  the  battle  of  Sara- 
toga and  the  capture  of  General  Burgoyne, 
which  stand  conspicuous  among  the  proudest 
triumphs  of  the  revolutionary  war,  is  so  deeply 
impressed  on  the  public  mind,  that  every  good 
man  in  the  nation  felt  deep  regret  at  this  very 
ill-timed  and  ungracious  punctilio. 

The  compensation  bill,  which  was  to  render 
members  of  congress  salary  officers,  at  the  rate  of 
1500  dollars  -per  annum,  passed  by  a  former 
congress,  forms  a  proper  contrast  to  the  bill  in 
favour  of  general  Stark. 

It  was  read  the  first  and  second  time 

in  the  house  of  representatives      -      March  6th,  1815. 

Read  a  third  time  and  passed       -  9th 

Read  first  time  in  senate          ...  nth 

Second  time  12th 

Third  time  and  passed     -                  -  14th 

Laid  before  the  president      -         -  18th 

Approved  same  day. 

What  wonderful  economy  of  time  ! 
Thus  a  bill  for  their  own  benefit  which  intro- 
duced a  novel  principle  into  the  country,  in 


twelve  days  passed  through  all  its  stages  from  its 
inception  to  the  presidential  approbation  ! ! 

What  a  reproach  to  congress  arises  from  a 
contrast  of  this  case  with  that  of  the  veteran 
Stark  !  How  wonderfully  their  personal  interest 
accelerated  their  movements ! 

The  citizens  of  the  United  States,  however, 
are  answerable  for  a  large  portion  of  the  dere- 
lictions of  congress.  Most  of  the  members  are 
ambitious  of  popularity  ;  which  forms  one  of  the 
principal  inducements  to  seek  a  seat  in  that 
body.  And  the  utter  inattention  too  generally 
displayed  by  the  citizens  to  the  conduct  of  their 
representatives,  induces  a  degree  of  indifference 
towards  the  interests  and  wishes  of  the  con- 
stituents. A  more  frequent  call  for  the  yeas  and 
nays,  by  those  members  who  are  sincerely  de- 
sirous of  discharging  their  duty,  and  of  having 
the  public  business  punctually  attended  to,  to- 
gether with  a  publication  of  lists  of  votes  on  all 
important  questions,  previous  to  elections,  would 
operate  powerfully  on  the  feelings  of  the  mem- 
bers. If  every  member  whose  votes  militated 
with  the  substantial  interests  of  his  country, 
were  sure  to  be  discarded,  as  he  ought  to  be,  on 
the  day  of  election,  the  proceedings  of  congress 
would  exhibit  a  very  different  appearance  from 
what  they  do  at  present. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Attempts  to  prove  the  state  of  affairs  prosperous. 
Their  fallacy  established.  Destruction  of  indus- 
try in  Philadelphia  and  Pittsburg.  Awful  situa- 
tion of  Pennsylvania.  14,537  suits  for  debt,  and 
10, 3 £6  judgments  confessed  in  the  year  18 1 9. 
Depreciation  of  real  estate  115,544,629  dol- 
lars. 

FOR  a  considerable  time  elaborate  efforts  were 
made  to  prove  that  the  great  mass  of  our  citi- 
zens were  highly  prosperous.  Even  official  mes- 
sages, at  no  very  distant  day,  announced  this 
idea.  But  the  veil  that  obscured  the  appalling 
vision  of  public  distress  is  removed,  and  there 
is  now  no  diversity  of  sentiment  on  the  subject. 
Bankruptcy  of  banks — individual  ruin — and 
sheriffs'  sales  to  an  extent  never  known  before 
— the  idleness  of  thousands  of  those  who  have 
no  property  but  in  the  labour  of  their  hands- 
resolutions  of  town  meetings — memorials  and 
petitions  from  almost  every  part  of  the  middle 
and  eastern  states — messages  of  governors — de- 
liberate instructions  of  the  representative  bodies 
in  some  of  the  states — acts  of  legislatures^  sus- 
pending the  collection  of  debts — and,  to  close  the 


long  train  of  calamity,  the  emigration  of  Ame- 
rican citizens  to  a  Spanish  colony,  seeking  an 
asylum  from  the  misery  they  suffer  in  their  owu 
country — all  distinctly  proclaim  a  deplorable 
state  of  society,  which  fully  evinces  a  radical  un- 
soundness  in  our  policy,  loudly  and  imperiously 
demanding  as  radical  a  remedy.  No  tempo- 
rizing expedients  will  suffice.  Nothing  short  of 
a  complete  and  permanent  protection  of  the 
national  industry,  so  as  to  enable  us  to  reduce 
our  demands  from  Europe,  within  our  means  of 
payment^  will  arrest  us  in  the  career  of  impover- 
ishment— and  enable  us  to  regain  the  ground 
we  have  unhappily  lost — and  take  that  high  and 
commanding  stand  among  nations,  which  nature 
and  nature's  God,  by  the  transcendent  advan- 
tages bestowed  on  us,  intended  we  should  en- 
joy— advantages  which  for  five  years  we  have 
so  prodigally  squandered. 


Although  the  prevailing  depression  and  dis- 
tress are  generally  well  known,  yet  few  are  fully 
acquainted  with  their  extreme  intensity.  Indeed, 
it  is  at  all  times  difficult  and  scarcely  possible  to 
realize,  from  general  description,  the  extent  of 
suffering  which  mankind  endure — whether  by 
war,  famine,  pestilence,  or  want  of  employment. 
In  the  last  case,  it  would  be  necessary  to  tra- 
verse by -lanes  and  alleys — to  ascend  to  garret? 


(    1*8  ) 

— or  descend  to  cellars— to  behold  the  afflicted 
father,  after  having  pawned  his  clothes  and  fur- 
niture, destitute  of  money  and  credit  to  support 
his  famishing  wife  and  children — his  proud  spi- 
rit struggling  between  the  heart-rending  alter- 
natives of  allowing  them  to  suffer  under  hunger 
and  thirst,  or  else  sinking  to  apply  to  the  over- 
seers of  the  poor — to  ask  alms  in  the  street — or  to 
have  recourse  to  soup-houses  for  relief.*  These 
are  afflicting  realities,  with  which,  I  hope,  for  the 
honour  of  human  nature,  the  presidents  and  dele- 
gates of  agricultural  societies,  who  enter  the 
list  to  prevent  the  relief  of  their  fellow  citizens, 
and  perpetuate  their  sufferings,  are  wholly  un- 
acquainted. 

I  cannot  here  enter  into  particulars  of  the' 
awful  scenes  that  overspread  the  face  of  the 
land,  and  shall  confine  myself  to  a  slight  sketch 
of  the  lamentable  devastation  of  national  pros- 
perity and  private  happiness,  experienced  in 
Philadelphia  and  Pittsburg,  which  so  many  wor- 
thy, but  mistaken  men  are  labouring  to  perpe- 
tuate. 

By  an  investigation  ordered  during  last  au- 
tumn by  a  town  meeting  of  the  citizens  of  Phi- 

*  Some  idea  may  be  formed  of  the  state  of  our  cities, 
from  the  circumstance,  that  in  Baltimore,  there  are  no  less 
than  twelve  stations  for  distributing  soup  tickets.  In  Phila- 
delphia, the  distribution  is  very  great,  at  the  rate  of  a  pint 
to  each  person. 


(     139    ) 

ladelphia,  and  conducted  by  gentlemen  of  re- 
spectability, it  appears,  so  great  was  the 
decay  of  manufacturing  industry,  that  in  only 
thirty  out  of  fifty-six  branches  of  business  there 
were  actually  7728  persons  less  employed  in 
1819  than  in  1816,  whose  wages  amounted  to 
$2,366,935.  No  returns  were  procured  from 
twenty-six  branches,  viz. 

Bookbinders  Manufacturers  of  gun-powder 

Brewers  Painters  and  glaziers 

Brickmakers  Plumbers 

Carpenters  Shoemakers 

Coopers  Shotmakers 

Chocolate  makers  Sugar  bakers 

Calico  printers  Snuff  and  tobacco  manufac- 

Curriers  turers 

Chair  makers  Stonecutters 

Dyers  Turners 

Engravers  Tanners 

Embroiderers  Umbrella  makers 

Glovers  Wheelwrights,  &c.  &c. 

Glass  manufacturers 

Assuming  only  half  the  number,  in  these  twen- 
ty-six, that  were  in  the  other  thirty,  the  aggre- 
gate would  be  11,592 — and,  were  only  one  wo- 
man or  child  dependent  on  each  person,  the 
whole,  out  of  a  population  of  about  one  hundred 
and  twenty  thousand, 

Would  amount  to     -  persons      23,184 

Whose  wages  would  be  -     g  3,550,402 

17 


(    130    ) 

And  allowing  the  work  to  be  double  the  wages, 
which  is  a  moderate  calculation,  the  value 
would  be jg  7,100,804 


lost  in  a  single  city  in  one  year! 

Let  us  now  survey  Pittsburg,  where  we  shall 
behold  a  similar  scene  of  devastation.  This  city 
in  18  J  5,  contained  about  six  thousand  inhabit- 
ants. It  then  exhibited  as  exhilarating  a  scene  of 
industry,  prosperity  and  happiness,  as  any  place 
in  the  world.    Its  immense  local  advantages, 
seated  at  the  confluence  of  two  noble  rivers, 
forming  the  majestic  Ohio;  its  boundless  sup- 
plies of  coal;  and  the  very  laudable  enterprize 
of  its  inhabitants,  had  for  a  long  time  rendered 
it  the  emporium  of  the  western  world.    But, 
alas!  the  immoderate  influx  of  foreign  manu- 
factures poured  in  there  shortly  after  the  peace, 
produced  a  most  calamitous  reverse.  The  ope- 
rations of  the  hammer,  the  hatchet,  the  shuttle, 
the  spindle,  the  loom,  ceased  in  a  great  degree. 
Noble  establishments,  which  reflected  honour 
on  the   nation,  were  closed;    the  proprietors 
ruined ;  the  workmen  discharged ;  a  blight  and  a 
blast  overspread  the  face  of  the  city ;  and  the 
circumjacent  country,  which  had  shared  in  its 
prosperity,  now  equally  partook  of  its  decline. 
By  a  recent  and  minute  investigation,  con- 
ducted by  citizens  of  high  standing,  the  follow- 
ing appeared  to  be  the — 


Actual  state  of  the  city  of  Pittsburg. 

Persons  deprived  of  employment,  or  less  employ- 
ed in  1819  than  in  1816  1288 

Supposing  only  one  woman  or  child  depending  on 

each  of  the  above          -  -  1288 

It  would  amount  to  2576 

The  amount  of  work  done  in  1816  was      -      -     82,617,833 
In  1819 -          832,000 


Loss  to  Pittsburg        -         -         -  1,785,833 

Loss  to  Philadelphia,  as  before,      -  7,100,804 


Annual  loss  in  two  cities  in  one  state      .      -       S8,886,637 


When  the  other  cities  and  towns  throughout 
the  union,  where  similar  devastation  has  oc- 
curred, are  taken  into  view,  it  will  not  he  an  un- 
reasonable calculation  to  presume  it  six-fold 
elsewhere :  but  to  avoid  cavil,  I  will  only  sup- 
pose it  treble — 

Which  will  amount  to     -          -         -  S  26,659,911 

Philadelphia  and  Pittsburg      ....     8,886,637 


Total  loss  of  industry          ....     §35,546,548 


By  the  wretched  policy  of  fostering  foreign 

manufactures   and  manufacturers,  and  foreign 

governments ;    buying  cheap  bargains  abroad, 

and  consigning  our  own  citizens  to  bankruptcy 

-and  beggary ! 


(     132    ) 


With  these  overwhelming  facts  staring  us  in 
the  face,  is  it  not  insanity  to  be  debating  about 
the  causes  of  the  existing  distress?  Who  can  en- 
tertain a  doubt  as  to  the  grand  and  primary 
cause?  Is  it  not  as  plain  as  "the  hand  writing 
on  the  wall  ?"  Does  it  not  clearly  arise  from  the 
destruction  of  national  industry?  What!  an  an- 
nual  loss  in  two  cities,  containing  about  125.000 
inhabitants,  of  nearly  nine  millions  of  dollars, 
and  proportionable  losses  almost  every  where 
else!  Such  a  course,  steadily  continued,  wouldim- 
poverish  China  more  rapidly  than  she  has  ac- 
cumulated her  immense  treasures.  It  is  not 
therefore  wonderful  that  it  has,  in  a  few 
years  impoverished  a  nation  whose  sole  patri- 
mony was  her  industry. 

Some  public  documents  have  recently  ap- 
peared, which  prove  the  distress  of  the  country 
far  more  intense  and  extensive  than  had  been 
previously  conceived.  A  committee  of  the 
senate  of  Pennsylvania,  appointed  to  enquire  in- 
to the  extent  and  causes  of  the  general  distress, 
addressed  circulars  to  all  the  prothonotaries  and 
sheriffs  in  the  state,  whence  they  collected  the 
following  awful  facts : 

The  number  of  actions  brought  for  debt  in  the 

year  1819,  were  14,537 

The  number  of  judgments  confessed  -       10,326 

Exclusive  of  those  before  justices  of  the  peace, 
about  half  the  number. 


(    133    ) 

Imprisonments  for  debt  in  the  city  and  county  of 

Philadelphia                                        -  1,808 

In  Lancaster  county     -                   ...  221 

In  Alleghany  county         -  286 

A  report  made  to  the  house  of  representa- 
tives, by  a  committee  appointed  for  the  same 
purpose  as  that  in  the  senate,  appears  to  es- 
timate the  depreciation  of  the  real  estate  in 
Pennsylvania  at  one-third  of  the  value  ascer- 
tained by  the  United  States  assessment  in  1815, 
which  was  8316,633,889 — of  course  the  depre- 
ciation is  8  1 15,544,629. 

A  memorial  referred  to  in  another  report, 
states — 

"  That  embarrassment  is  universal ;  that  the  sordid  and 
"  avaricious  are  acquiring  the  sacrificed  property  of  the  libe- 
ural  and  industrious;  that  so  much  property  is  exposed  to 
u  sale  under  execution,  that  buyers  cannot  be  had  to  pay 
"  more  for  it  than  the  fees  of  office." 

Would  to  God,  that  this  affecting  picture  could 
be  placed  in  large  characters  in  Congress  Hall, 
in  the  president's  house,  and  in  the  offices  of 
the  secretaries  of  state  and  the  treasury,  that 
they  might  be  led  to  take  the  necessary  mea- 
sures as  early  as  possible  to  relieve  such  suf- 
ferings. 

This,  let  it  be  observed,  is  far  from  the  whole 
of  the  evil.  The  comparison  is  only  a  retrospec- 
tive one — to  shew  the  precipitous  descent  we 
have  made  from  a  towering  height.  Let  us  now 


(    134    ) 

see  the  point  to  which  we  might,  and  hy  a  pro- 
per  policy  would,  have  arrived.  In  five  years, 
from  1810  to  1815,  as  already  stated,  the  manu- 
facture of  cotton  increased  from  \  0,000  to 
90,000  bales,  or  270,000,000  Ibs.  The  other 
manufactures  of  the  country  increased  very 
considerably,  but  not  in  the  same  proportion. 

By  the  statements  of  the  marshals,  and  the  cal- 
culations of  Mr.  Coxe,  a  gentleman  perfectly" 
competent  to  this  service,  it  appears  that  the 
manufactures  of  the  United  States  in  1810, 
amounted  to  172,000,000  dollars. 

Let  us  suppose  that  in  place  of  a  multiplica- 
tion nine-fold,  such  as  took  place  in  the  cotton 
branch  between  1810  and  1815,  the  increase 
was  only  double,  it  follows,  that  in  1815,  the 
whole  of  our  manufactures  must  have  amount* 
ed  to  nearly  350,000,000  dollars. 

Inferring  from  past  experience,  they  would, 
under  an  efficient  protection  by  the  government, 
have  increased  from  1815  to  1820,  fifty  per 
cent,  and  of  course  would  now  be  above  5003- 
000,000  dollars. 

It  is  impossible  to  pursue  this  train  of  re- 
flexion, and  compare  what  we  might  be,  with 
what  we  are,  without  sensations  of  the  keenest 
distress,  and  a  clear  conviction  of  the  radical 
unsoundness  of  a  policy,  which  has  in  a  few- 
years  produced  so  much  destruction  of,  happi- 
ness and  prosperity. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Causes  assigned  for  the  existing  distress.  Extra- 
vagarit  banking.  Transition  to  a  state  of  peace. 
Fallacy  of  these  reasons.  True  cause,  destruc- 
tion of  industry.  Comparison  of  exports  fm*  six 
years. 

SINCE  public  attention  has  been  drawn  to  ex- 
plore the  causes  of  the  existing  evils,  some  of 
our  citizens  have  ascribed  them  to  the  abuses  of 
banking,  and  others  to  "  the  transition  from  a 
state  of  war  to  a  state  of  peace"* — overlooking 
the  real  cause,  the  destruction  of  the  national 
industry — and  likewise  overlooking  the  strong 
fact,  that  all  nations  have  fallen  to  decay,  in  pro- 
portion as  they  abandoned,  and  have  prospered 
in  proportion  as  they  protected,  the  industry  of 
their  people. 

Let  us  briefly  examine  both  of  these  alleged 
causes  of  distress. 

It  is  impossible  to  defend  the  legislative  bo- 
dies, who  incorporated  such  hosts  of  banks  at 
once.  They  are  deserving  of  the  most  unquali- 
fied censure  ;  and  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  they 
cannot  be  rendered  individually  responsible  for 
Hie  consequences.  But  the  mischief  that  has 


(    18*   ) 

arisen  from  those  banks,  has  been  greatly  over- 
rated. I  submit  a  few  facts  and  reflexions  on  the 
subject. 

With  the  state  of  Pennsylvania  I  am  more  fa- 
miliar  than  with  any  of  the  others ;  and  shall 
therefore  found  my  reasoning  on  the  system  pur- 
sued  here.  It  will  apply,  mutatis  mutandis,  to  all 
those  which  have  carried  banking  to  excess. 

In  1814,  the  legislature  of  this  state  incorpo- 
rated forty-one  banks,  of  which  only  thirty- 
seven  went  into  operation — of  these  1  present  a 
view — 

Capital  Capital 

authorized.         paid  in. 

Thirty-three  country  banks  S  12,665,000  $  5,294,238 
Four  city  banks  -  3,500,000  2,134,000 

S  16,165,000       $7,428,238 


Two  reports,  recently  made  to  the  legislature 
of  Pennsylvania,  convey  an  idea  that  the  capital 
of  these  banks  was  much  greater  than  it  really 
was. 

"  The  people  of  Pennsylvania,  during  an  expensive  war, 
"  and  in  the  midst  of  great  embarrassments,  established 
"  forty-one  new  banks,  with  a  capital  of  17,500,000  dollars 
« — and  authority  to  issue  bank  notes  to  double  tiat 
"  amount."* 

"  A  bill,  authorizing  the  incorporation  of  forty-one  bank* 

#  Report  to  the  house  of  representatives, 


(    137   ) 

"ing  institutions,  with  capitals    amounting  to  upwards  of 
"  17,OOO,OOO  dollars,  was  passed  by  a  large  majority."* 

Several  of  them  had  been  in  operation  previ- 
ous to  the  act  of  incorporation — particularly  the 
Commercial  Bank  in  Philadelphia,  with  a  capi- 
tal of  i, 000,000  dollars,  and  others  with  pro- 
bably capitals  of  8750,000:  so  that  the  addition 
then  made  to  the  banking  capital  of  the  state 
was  only  about  5,700,000  dollars.  It  is  perfectly 
obvious,  that  in  calculating  the  effects  produced 
by  these  banks,  we  must  have  reference  not  to 
the  capital  authorized — but  to  that  actually 
paid  in. 

Had  every  one  of  these  banks  been  fraudu- 
lently conducted,  and  become  bankrupt,  would 
it  account  for  the  excessive  distresses  of  the 
state  ?  It  would  be  idle  to  pretend  it.  The  cir- 
cumstance would  have  produced  great  tempo- 
rary embarrassment — but  our  citizens  v  would 
soon  have  recovered,  had  their  industry  been 
protected. 

The  population  of  the  state  is  above  1,200.000. 
Its  manufactures  in  1810,  as  stated  by  Mr.  Coxe, 
were  32,000,000  of  dollars — and  had  probably 
risen  in  1814,  to  45,000,000.  Its  domestic  ex- 
ports for  the  last  three  years,  have  been  above 
20,000,000,  or  nearly  7,000,000  per  annum. 
Now,  can  it  be  believed  that  the  specified  increase 

*  Report  to  the  senate 
18 


(    138    ) 

of  banking  capital  in  a  state  with  such  great  re- 
sources, could  have  produced  such  ruinous  con- 
sequences? Surely  not. 

In  cases  of  great  calamities,  arising  from  em- 
bargoes, blockades,  unexpected  war,  or  peace, 
New  York  and  Philadelphia  have  each  suffered 
nearly  as  much  loss  as  the  whole  capital  of  all 
those  banks,  and  speedily  revived  like  the 
Phoenix  from  her  ashes. 

Let  it  be  observed,  that  after  deducting  the 
capitals  of — 

The  Bank  of  Lancaster5*         -                            -  S  600,000 

Marietta  239,430' 

Pittsburg                      -  316,585 

Reading         -         -         -  299,440 

Easton 211,830 


$  1,667,285 

The  remaining  country  banks  only  average  about 
125,000  dollars  each.  Some  of  them  operate 
in  a  space,  of  which  the  diameter  is  thirty,  forty, 
or  fifty  miles.  Surely  the  doctor's  apprentice, 
who,  finding  a  saddle  under  his  patient's  bed, 
ascribed  his  illness  to  his  having  devoured  a 
horse,  was  not  much  more  ludicrously  in  error, 
than  those  who  ascribe  the  whole  or  even  the 
chief  part  of  the  sufferings  of  the  state  to  this 
cause. 

*  Four  of  these  towns  are  places  of  importance,  and 

carry  on  trade  very  extensively. 

v 


(    139    ) 

Let  it  be  distinctly  understood  that  I  freely 
admit  that  some  of  those  banks  have  done  very 
great  mischief,  and  that  several  have  been  im- 
properly conducted.  But  had  the  industry  of 
the  state  been  protected,  and  trade  flourished, 
the  great  mass  of  them  would  have  gone  on 
prosperously,  and  the  whole  would  not  have 
produced  one-tenth  part  o£  the  injury  that  has 
resulted  from  those  that  have  been  ill-managed. 

Before  I  quit  this  subject,  let  me  observe, 
that  the  greater  portion  by  far  of  these  banks 
have  been,  I  believe,  fairly  and  honourably  con- 
ducted :  and  that  little  inconvenience  was  felt 
by  or  from  any  of  them,  from  the  time  of 
resuming  specie  payments,  till  of  late,  when 
the  unceasing  drain  of  specie  exhausted  them 
of  the  pabulum  on  which  banks  are  sup- 
ported, and  obliged  them  to  diminish  their 
issues,  and  to  press  on  their  debtors,  of  whom 
many  were  ruined.  Notwithstanding  all  their 
efforts,  several  of  the  banks  have  been  obliged 
to  stop  payment. 

The  idea  that  the  public  distresses  have  been 
a  necessary  consequence  of  "  the  transition  to 
a  state  of  peace^  is  still  more  extravagant. 
To  Great  Britain  the  transition  was  truly  for- 
midable. She  had  by  her  orders  in  council, 
blockades,  and  fleets,  engrossed  the  supply  of  a 
large  portion  of  the  continent  of  Europe,  which, 
on  the  return  of  peace,  relied  on  itself,  and  there- 


(    140    ) 

fore  deprived  her  of  various  profitable  markets. 
But  I  ask  any  man  of  common  sense,  how  this 
applies  to  our  case?  Were  we,  at  the  treaty  of 
Ghent,  excluded  from  any  foreign  markets 
which  we  enjoyed  during  our  short  war?  Surely 
not.  Far  from  having  our  markets  circum- 
scribed by  "  the  transition  to  a  state  of  peace," 
they  were  greatly  enlarged.  In  18 15,  our  ex- 
ports were,  as  appears  below,  seven  hundred 
per  cent,  more  than  in  1814,  and  treble  in 
the  three  entire  years  subsequent  to  the  peace, 
what  they  were  in  the  three  preceding  years. 

Domestic  Exports  from  the  United  States. 


1812 
1813     - 
1814 

Average 

$  30,032,109 
-     25,008,152 
6,782,272 

61,822,533 

20,607,511 

1815 
1816 
1817 


Average 


$  45,974,403 

64,781,896 

-     68,313,500 

179,069,799 
59,689,933 


That  the  "  transition,"  from  an  average  ex- 
port of  8  20,000,000,  to  nearly  60,000,000,  can 
account  for  the  lamentable  and  precipitous  fall 
we  have  experienced,  no  person  of  candour 
will  pretend.  It  would  be  equally  wise  to  assert, 
that  a  man  was  ruined  by  raising  his  income 
from  two  thousand  dollars  to  six  thousand  per 
annum.  If,  however,  he  renounced  his  in- 
dustry, and,  when  he  only  trebled  his  income, 


(    141    ) 

increased  his  expenses  six  fold,  then  his  ruin 
would  be  as  easily  accounted  for,  as  the  lament- 
able picture  this  country  exhibits. 

I  was,  however,  in  error.  The  "  transition" 
did  produce  the  effect.  Should  it  be  asked  how? 
I  reply — The  war  protected  the  domestic  industry 
of  the  nation. — It  throve  and  prospered  under 
that  safeguard,  which  the  peace  tore  down  de 
fonds  en  comble.  And  congress,  whose  impe- 
rious and  paramount  duty  it  was  to  step  in,  and 
replace  the  protection,  failed  of  that  duty.  The 
consequences  were  foretold.  The  industry  of 
the  country  was  laid  prostrate — its  circulating 
medium  drained  away — its  resources  exhausted 
— and  distress  overspread  the  face  of  the  land. 
But  it  is  too  farcical  for  argument  to  assert  that 
a  peace  which  trebled  our  exports,  necessarily 
brought  on  a  state  of  distress  and  impoverish- 
ment, which  is  chargeable  wholly  to  our  short- 
sighted policy. 


CHAPTER  XL 

The  everlasting  complaint  of  "  taxing  the  many 
for  the  benefit  of  the  few.'5  Fallacy  and  in- 
justice of  it.  Amount  of  impost  for  fourteen 
years.  For  the  year  1818.  Impost  for  the  pro- 
tection of  agriculture  in  that  year  above 
'4.500,000  dollars. 

THE  changes  have  been  rung  throughout  the 
United  States,  since  the  commencement  of  the 
government,  on  the  immensity  of  the  favours 
conferred  on  the  manufacturers,  in  point  of  pro- 
tection— their  insatiable  temper — the  impossi- 
bility of  satisfying  them — and  the  dreadful  in- 
justice of  "  taxing  the  many  for  the  benefit  of 
the  few,"  which  has  been  used  as  a  sort  of  war 
whoop  for  exciting  all  the  base  passions  of  ava- 
rice and  selfishness  in  battle  array  against  those 
to  whom  the  tax  is  supposed  to  be  paid. 

It  rarely  happens,  in  private  life,  that  vocifer- 
ous claims  for  gratitude  can  stand  the  test  of 
enquiry.  When  weighed  in  the  balance  of  jus- 
tice and  truth,  they  are  uniformly  found  wanting. 
And  as  a  public  is  an  aggregation  of  individuals. 


(    143    ) 

acted  upon  by  the  same  views,  and  liable  to  the 
same  and  greater  errors,  it  would  be  extraordi- 
nary, if  similar  claims  of  collections  of  people 
were  not  found  to  rest  on  as  sandy  a  foundation. 

To  investigate  the  correctness  of  this  everlast- 
ing theme  has  become  a  duty.  To  place  the 
subject  on  its  true  ground,  will  dispel  a  dense 
mist  of  error  and  delusion  with  which  it  is  en- 
veloped. If  the  debt  can  be  paid,  let  it,'in  the 
name  of  heaven,  be  discharged,  and  let  us  com- 
mence de  novo.  If  it  be  beyond  the  power  of 
payment,  let  the  delinquent  parties  take  the 
benefit  of  the  insolvent  act,  and  exonerate  them- 
selves from  a  load,  by  which  they  are  crushed 
as  between  "  the  upper  and  ,the  nether  mill- 
stone." 

The  expenses  of  our  government  require 
revenues,  which  have  risen  from  4,000,000 
to  27,000,000  dollars  per  annum.  Provision 
must  be  made  for  this  sum  in  one  or  all 
of  three  modes — by  excise — direct  taxes — or 
customs.  The  first  is  universally  abhorred 
here.  The  second  are  almost  equally  obnoxious. 
It  therefore  follows,  that  the  impost  is  the  next 
and  grand  resource.  The  sum  required  must  be 
raised  without  regard  to  manufactures  or  manu- 
facturers— and  indeed  if  there  were  not  a  manu- 
facturer in  the  country.  It  is  out  of  the  power  of 
the  government  to  raise  the  necessary  revenue 
without  laying  considerable  duties  on  manufac- 


(     144    ) 


tures — as  all  other  articles,  such  as  tea,  sugar, 
wines,  coffee,  are  dutied  as  high  as  they  will  bear. 
Therefore  the  manufacturers,  who,  let  it  be  ob- 
served, bear  their  own  share  of  all  these  duties 
of  every  description,  are  under  no  obligation  of 
gratitude  whatever  for  them. 

But  let  us  examine  the  subject  more  closely. 
Let  us  suppose  that  these  duties  had  been  laid 
solely  to  serve  the  manufacturers,  without  any 
regard  to  the  emergencies  of  government — and 
that  the  proceeds  had  been  reserved  in  the  trea- 
sury. Let  us  see  what  would  be  the  extent  of  the 
mighty  boon. 

The  whole  of  this  enormous  and  inextin- 
guishable debt  is  comprised  in  the  duties  im- 
posed on  such  foreign  merchandize  as  would 
rival  our  own  manufactures.  The  utmost 
cravings  on  the  score  of  gratitude  will  not  dare 
to  charge  to  the  account  the  duties  on  sugar, 
coffee,  tea,  wine,  salt,  #>c. 


(    145    ) 

The  entire  impost  for  fourteen  years,  from 

1801  to  1814,  inclusive,  was  -      S  159,762,602* 

On  Spirits  -        §25,441,543 

•      Wines  7,646,476  . 

Sugar  -  19,455,110 

Salt  -        4,057,047 

Teas  -         -  8,565,874 

Coffee     -         ---      10,777,113 
Molasses     -  4,98O,65O 

Sundry  articles  -       7,47O,317f 

88,434, 


Leaving  a  balance  of  S  71,328,472 

f  To  which  add  half  of  the  last  item  of  sun- 
dries, as  probably  on  manufactures         -         3,735,158 


Total 875,063,630 


This  is  the  whole  amount  levied  on  manufac- 
tures of  every  kind,  for  fourteen  years,  being 
about  five  millions  and  a  half  per  annum  ! 

The  white  population  of  that  period  averaged 
probably  about  7,000,000.  Of  course  the  duties 
paid  on  manufactures  amounted  to  about  eighty 
cents  per  head !  And  this  is  the  sum  and  sub- 
stance of  the  "  taxes  levied  on  the  many  by  the 
ew^  and  the  immense  favours  conferred  on 
"  the  few''  by  "  the  many!"  which  have  furnish- 
ed matter  for  so  many  tedious  speeches  in  con- 
gress, tiresome  declamations  at  public  meetings, 
and  verbose  newspaper  essays  and  paragraphs 

*  Seybert,  454,  J:  Idem,  398  to  405. 

(0 


(    146    ) 


without  end  or  number;  with  which  "the  welkin 
has  rung" — and  which,  I  repeat,  have  called  in- 
to activity  all  the  base  passions  of  our  nature, 
and  excited  a  deadly  hostility  in  the  minds  of  one 
portion  of  our  citizens  against  another.  The 
clamour  would  have  been  contemptible,  had  the 
whole  sum  been  granted  as  an  alms,  or  through 
generosity.  But  when  it  is  considered  that  every 
dollar  of  this  sum  has  been  raised  for  the  mere 
purpose  of  revenue,  language  cannot  do  justice 
to  the  feelings  the  affair  is  calculated  to  excite. 
I  shall  now  consider  the  subject  at  a  more  re- 
cent period. 

The  whole  amount  of  duties  ad  valorem  for 

1818,  was  -  -  $11,947,260 

To  which  add  for  manufactures  of  lead,  iron, 
and  steel;  glass  bottle svcopperas,  allum, and 
other  articles  subject  to  specific  duties  -  694,493 

Total  on  manufactures         -  12,641,753 

A  large  portion  of  those  duties  was  levied  on 
silks,  high-priced  cambrics  and  muslins, 
gauzes,  fine  linens,  lace  shawls,  lace  veils, 
pearls,  embroidery,  gold  lace,  &c.  &c.  which 
our  citizens  do  not  manufacture.  These 
duties  are  by  no  means  chargeable  to  the 
protection  of  manufactures — suppose  -  -  1,500,000 

Balance  of  impost  supposed  for  protection  of  • 

manufactures         -  $11,141,753 


Against  this  we  must  set  off  all  the 
duties  levied  for  the  protection  of  agri- 
culture, viz. 


On  spirits,  for  the  encouragement  of  the  cul- 
ture of  grain,  and  the  protection  of  the  peach 
brandies,  rye  whiskey,  &c.  of  the  farmers  S  2,646,1 86 

Sugar                   -                   ...  1,508,892 

Cotton                                 -  126,542 

Hemp       -                                        -  148,873 

Indigo                      .....  19,049 

Coals       -                            ....  46,091 

Cheese        ~  -         -         -         -  ,       -         -         -  16,694 


Impost  for  protection  of  agriculture     -         -       S4,572,32T 
Leaving  a  balance  against  the  manufacturers  of  S  6,569,426 

When  we  consider  how  frugal  and  economi- 
cal the  great  body  of  our  farmers  are  in  the 
eastern,  middle,  and  western  states;  how  few 
of  them,  comparatively  speaking,  purchase  im- 
ported articles,  except  groceries;  and  how  ex- 
pensively  the  inhabitants  of  our  cities  and  towns 
live  in  general;  it  will  appear  more  than  proba- 
ble, that  of  the  goods  on  which  the  above  duties 
are  collected,  not  nearly  one-half  are  consumed 
by  farmers. 

A  view  of  the  preceding  tables  and  statements 
affords  the  following  results — 

1.  That  the  whole  amount  of  the  duties  levied 
on  manufactured  articles,  of  every  description, 
for  the  year  1818,  having  been  only  about  12,- 
600,000  dollars,  and  the  population  of  the  Uni- 
ted States  at  present  being  about  10,000.000,  of 
whom  probably  eight  are  white,  the  average  is 


(    148    ) 

only  about  one  dollar  and  a  half  for  the  white 
population. 

2.  That  of  this  amount  about  one-eighth  part 
is  levied  on  articles  not  interfering  with  our 
manufactures. 

3.  That  there  are  duties  levied  in  favour  of 
agriculture  equal  in  amount  to  more  than  a 
third  part  of  those  levied  on  manufactures. 

4.  That  when  the  latter  duties  are  set  oft* 
against  those  levied  for  the  protection  of  ma- 
nufactures,  the  remainder  is  about  seventy -five 
cents  for  each  free  person  in  the  United  States. 

5.  That  probably  more  than  half  of  the  goods 
on  which  those  duties  are  levied,  are  consumed 
in  towns  and   cities — and  of  course  that  the 
amount  paid  by  the  farmers  and  planters  is  not 
above  sixty  cents  per  head,  notwithstanding  the 
senseless  and  illiberal  clamour  excited  on  the 
subject. 

6.  That  were  all  the  duties  on  manufactured 
articles  removed,  the  burdens  of  the  commu- 
nity would  not  be  diminished  a  single  dollar; 
as  there  is  no  more  revenue  raised  than  the 
emergencies  of  the  government  require,  and  of 
course  some  other  tax  or  duty  must  be  devised. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Immense  advantages  enjoyed  bij  the  farmers  and 
planters  for  nearly  thirty  years,  -viz.  a  domes- 
tic monopoly — and  excellent  foreign  markets. 
Exorbitant  prices  of  the  necessanes  of  life. 
Great  extent  of  the  domestic  market.  Internal, 
trade  of  the  United  States. 

FOR  nearly  thirty  years,  the  farmers  and  plan- 
ters of  this  country  enjoyed  a  high  degree  of 
prosperity.  They  had  almost  universally  excel- 
lent foreign  markets  for  all  their  productions — 
and,  from  the  commencement  of  the  govern- 
ment, have  had  a  monopoly  of  the  domestic 
market,  having  had  the  exclusive  supply  of  the 
manufacturers,  who  have  not  consumed  of  fo- 
reign vegetables,  bread-stuffs,  butcher's  meat, 
fowls,  fuel  or  any  other  of  the  productions  of 
'  agriculture,  to  the  amount  of  one  per  cent,  per 
annum.  It  is,  nevertheless,  a  fact,  however  in- 
credible, that  those  citizens,  enjoying  this  im- 
portant domestic  monopoly,  and  having  laid 
very  high  duties  on  all  the  articles  that  inter- 


(    150    ) 

fere  with  their  interests,  as  snuff,  tobacco, 
cotton,  hemp,  cheese,  coals,  $>c. ;  accuse  their 
manufacturing  fellow  citizens  as  monopo- 
lists ;  who  are  not  only  shut  out  of  nearly  all 
the  foreign  markets  in  the  world  by  prohibitions 
and  prohibitory  duties ;  but,  even  in  their  own 
markets  are  exposed  to,  and  supplanted  by,  fo- 
reign adventurers  of  all  countries! !!  It  is  diffi- 
cult to  conceive  of  a  more  unjust  charge,  or  one 
that  comes  with  a  worse  grace  from  the  ac- 
cusers. 

During  this  long  period,  the  farmers  sold  in 
all  cases  at  high,  and  in  many  at  most  exorbi- 
tant prices.  To  instance  a  few  articles,  in  order 
to  illustrate  the  remark:  we  paid  them  ten  and 
twelve,  and  thirteen  dollars  a  barrel  for  flour — 
twelve  to  eighteen  cents  per  Ib.  for  beef  and 
pork — twelve  to  fourteen  cents  for  tobacco — 
fifteen  to  thirty  cents  for  cotton;  and  in  the 
same  proportion  for  all  their  other  productions, 
though  it  is  well  known,  they  could  have  afford- 
ed them  at  half  those  prices,  and  made  hand- 
some profits.  In  one  word,  the  history  of  the 
world  affords  few,  if  any  instances,  of  such  a 
long-continued  scene  of  prosperity  as  they  en- 
joyed. 

The  manufacturers  cheerfully  paid  those 
prices.  The  cotton-weaver,  the  smith,  the  shoe- 
maker, the  carpenter,  the  labourer,  who  earned 


(    151     ) 

six,  seven,  or  eight  dollars  per  week,  never  lisp- 
ed a  word  of  complaint,  when  they  paid  twelve  or 
ti.irteen  dollars  per  barrel  for  flour,  eight  or  ten 
cents  per  pound  for  mutton,  £?c.  £jc.  Would  to 
heaven  they  had  experienced  the  same  degree 
of  liberality  from  their  farming  and  planting 
fellow  citizens  !  which,  alas!  they  have  not. 

It  remains  to  ascertain  the  effect  of  this  mo- 
nopoly in  favour  of  their  agricultural  fellow 
citizens,  which  our  manufacturers  have  for  thirty 
years  afforded  them  without  the  least  murmur. 

It  is  impossible  to  ascertain  with  precision  the 
number  of  our  citizens  engaged  in  manufac- 
tures, with  their  families.  The  census  is  misera- 
bly defective  in  this  respect.  It  does  not  furnish 
the  population  of  the  towns  and  cities,  which 
would  afford  a  tolerable  criterion.  We  are  there- 
fore left  to  mere  estimate. 

The  highest  number  that  I  have  ever  heard 
surmised,  is  two  millions;  the  lowest,  one. 
Truth,  as  is  generally  the  case,  may  lie  in  the 
medium.  I  will  therefore  assume  one  million 
and  a  half. 

As  there  may  be  some  objections  on  the  sub- 
ject of  the  number  thus  assumed,  I  annex  the 
ground  on  which  it  rests. 

I  suppose,  as  I  have  stated,  the  white  popula- 
tion of  the  country  to  be  about  eight  millions, 
and  to  be  proportioned  as  follows — 


(    152    ) 

10-16ths,  agriculturists  -  -         -       5,QpO,000 

3-16ths,    artists,   mechanics,   manufacturers, 

&c.  -  -  -  1,500,000 

3-16ths,  professors  of  law  and  physic,  gentle- 
men who  live  on  their  income,  merchants, 
traders,  seamen,  &c.  -  -  1,500,000 

8,000,000 


I  believe  I  would  not  have  been  wide  of  the 
mark,  in  adding  500,000  to  the  second  item,  and 
deducting  250,000  from  each  of  the  others. 
But  I  prefer  taking  ground  as  little  as  possible 
liable  to  cavil. 

Pirom,  an  eminent  English  statistical  writer,  es- 
timates the  average  annual  consumption  of  grain 
in  England,  at  two  quarters,  or  sixteen  bushels, 
for  each  person.*  Colquhoun,  strange  to  tell, 
estimates  it  only  at  one  quarter.  I  will  assume 
the  medium  of  twelve  bushels.  At  this  rate  the 
consumption  of  the  manufacturers  would  'be 
about  18,000,000  of  bushels  per  annum. 

The  average  price  of  wheat  in  the  United 
States  during  the  wars  of  the  French  revolution, 
was  about  one  dollar  and  seventy-five  cents  per 
bushel.  -  For  the  last  two  years,  it  has  been  about 

*  "  The  average  prices  of  all  these  several  kinds  of  grain 
"  being  20s.  6</.,  the  price  of  two  quarters  for  the  mainte- 
"  nance  of  each  person  in  these  years,  only  amounts  to  41 5." 
— Dirom  on  the  corn  larvs  and  corn  trade  of  Great  Britain^ 
Appendix,  page  51. 


one  dollar  and  twenty-live  cents.  At  this  rate 
the  amount  of  grain  would  be  22,500,000  dol- 
lars. 

Dirom  states  the  average  daily  consumption 
of  flesh  meat  in  Paris  at  about  five  ounces  and 
three  quarters  for  each  person.  An  average  for 
London  he  supposes*  probably  more  than  dou- 
ble that  amount,  or  eleven  and  a  half,  which  is 
about  five  pounds  per  week.  As  our  citizens  eat 
meat  oftener,  and  our  working  people  more 
generally,  than  those  of  most  other  nations,  it 
will  be  fair  to  assume  six  pounds  per  week  for 
each  person,  which  is  equal  to  about  three  hun- 
dredlmd  twelve  pounds  and  a  half  per  annum. 
At  eight  cents  per  pound,  a  moderate  average 
till  lately,  this  amounts  to  twenty-five  dollars 
per  annum,  or  for  the  whole  37,500,000  dol- 
lars. 

Allowing  for  milk,  butter,  eggs,  vegetables, 
fruit,  lard,  fire-wood,  coals,  home-made  spirits, 
c.  one  dollar  per  week,  it  amounts  to  78, 
000,000  of  dollars. 

The  daily  consumption  of  each  individual  in  Paris, 
"  is  pretty  accurately  ascertained,  from  the  tax  on  cattle 
paid  at  the  barriers,  to  be  about  five  ounces  and  three 
quarters.  In  London  it  is  probably  more  than  double." — 

,  248. 


(    154    ) 

Summary. 

Grain 

Animal  food 

Milk,  butter,  fuel,  &c.  &c. 

Consumption  of  the  manufacturers 


S  22,500,000 
37,500,000 
78,000,000 

8  138,000,000 


Now,  this  is  the  market,  for  bare  subsistence, 
of  which  the  manufacturers  furnish  a  monopoly 
to  their  agricultural  fellow  citizens,  who  have 
uniformly  regarded  them  with  jealousy  and  mur- 
muring— often  with  decided  hostility — and  who 
have  always  assumed^  that  duties  imperiously  re- 
quired  for  the  purposes  of  the  treasury  are  favours 
conferred  on  manufacturers  ! 

That  this  calculation  is  not  materially  wrong, 
will  appear  from  the  following  view — A  quarter 
dollar  per  day,  or  a  dollar  and  three  quarters 
per  week  for  the  maintenance  of  each  individual, 
which,  as  our  citizens  live,  is  moderate,  would 
amount  to  ninety-one  dollars  per  annum,  or — 


For  one  million  five  hundred  thousand 


people 


-     jg  136,500,000 


Let  me  further  observe,  that  this  is  a  market 
which  might  have  been  immensely  increased 
annually  by  emigration,  had  a  sound  policy  held 
out  any  encouragement  to  invite  the  manufac- 
turers of  Europe. 

It  is  not  easy  to  calculate  the  extent  of  the 
market  for  raw  materials  which  the  manufac- 


(     155    ) 

turers  afford  their  agricultural  fellow  citizens, 
and  which  might  have  been  doubled  by  a  cor- 
rect system.  1  will  state  what  I  suppose  it  must 
have  been  in  18 15,  previous  to  the  prostration 
of  manufactures. 

Cotton g  9,000,000 

Wool*             -         -         -         -         -  10,000,000 

Hemp  2,000,000 
Hides,  skins,  furs,  timber  for  houses  and 

ship-building,  barley,  hops,  oats,  &c.       -  8,OOO,OOO 

29,000,000 
Brought  forward  for  sustenance       -         -       138,000,000 

Total  - 8167,000,000 


As  th.e  illiberal  prejudices  that  prevail  on  this 
topic,  tend  to  excite  jealousies  and  disgusts,  that 
may  eventually  prove  dangerous  to  the  har- 
mony of  the  nation,  too  much  pains  cannot  be 
taken  to  remove  them.  I  shall  therefore  place 
the  subject  before  the  reader  in  a  new,  and  not 
less  striking  point  of  view. 

I  have  shewn  that  the  market  afforded  to 
their  agricultural  fellow  citizens  by  the  manu- 
facturers, amounts  per  annum  to  8  167,000,000. 

It  is  proper  to  examine  the  extent  of  the 
market  reciprocated  to  them. 

It  may  be  assumed  that  each  white  person  in 
the  union  consumes  in  furniture  and  clothing,  at 
the  average  rate  of  forty  dollars  per  annum. 

#  Mr.  Coxe  states  an  opinion  in  his  tables,  that  the 
growth  of  wool  in  the  United  States  in  1812,  was  from  20 
to  22,000,000  Ibs. 


This,  for  the  whole  of  the  agricul- 
turists, whom  I  have  estimated  S 
at  5,000,000,  amounts  to      -        200,000,000 

And  for  the  slaves,  supposed  to 
be  1,500,000,  at  15  dollars  per 
head,  to                                        -        22,500,000 
Per  contra         ...  

One-half  the  farmers  throughout 
the  union  make  three-fourths 
of  their  own  clothing,  which  is 
equal  to  -  75,000,000 

The  remaining  half  probably  ma- 
nufacture about  one -third  of 
their  clothing,  equal  to  33,000,000 

The  clothing  for  the  slaves  is 
principally  .of  family  fabrics. 
This  would  warrant  the  de- 
duction of,  the  whole  22,500, 
000.  But  I  suppose  the  plan- 
ters may  purchase  to  the  aver- 
age amount  of  five  dollars  for 
each  slave,  this  is  S  7,500,000, 
which  leaves  of  family  fabrics  15,000,000 

Total  amount  of  household  fabrics  consumed 
"by  the  agriculturists. 

Leaving  the  amount  of  clothing  and  furniture 
purchased  by  them 

Of  this  amount  probably  10  per 
cent,  is  of  foreign  manufac- 
ture -  9,950,000 

One-half  of  the  manufacturers, 
say  750,000,  live  in  country 
towns  or  in  the  country,  and 
purchase  probably  one-half  of 
their  clothing  from  the  far- 
mers in  the  neighbourhood,  say  15,000,000 


222,500,000 


123,000,000 


99,500,000 


24,950,000 


(    157    ) 

Balance,  being  the  whole  of  the  consumption  of 
articles  purchased  of  manufacturers  by  agri- 
culturists   $  74,550,000 


It  thus  appears,  notwithstanding  the  cla- 
mour against  the  manufacturers,  that  they  pur- 
chase of  the  agriculturists,  nearly  100,000,000 
dollars  more  than  the  latter  purchase  of  them. 


A  contrast  between  the  domestic  exports  and 
the  internal  trade  of  the  nation  cannot  fail  to  be 
interesting,  as  it  will  enable  us  to  ascertain 
whether  they  have  borne  in  the  minds  of  our 
citizens  and  statesmen  the  comparative  rank  to 
w.,ichthey  are  entitled. 

The  domestic  exports  of  the  United  States 
for  twenty-four  years,  from  1796  to  1819, 
inclusive,  have  been  -  S  955,586,088 


Average     -  ...         -  §39,816,088 

I  shall  proceed  on  the  assumptions  on  which 
I  have  already  ventured ;  that  the  agriculturists 
embrace  about  5,000,000  of  our  white  popula- 
tion ;  that  all  the  other  classes  who  are  con- 
sumers of  the  productions  of  the  farmers  and 
planters  are  3,000,000;  and  that  each  of  the  lat- 
ter consumes  to  the  amount  of  one  dollar  and 


•• 
% 

seventy-flve  cents  per  week  in  food  and  drink. 
Let  us  see  the  result — 

3,000,000  of  people  at  one  dollar  and  seven- 
ty-five cents  per  week,  equal  to  $5,250,000 
"  per  week,  or  per  annum  -      $  273,000,000 


Once  more. 

f  white    -     -    8,000,000 
Our  present  population  is  about    {  black       .       i,5OO,OOO 

9,500,000 


The  average  expenditure  of  forty  dollars  per 
annum,  already  assumed,  for  8,000,000  of  white 
people, 

Amounts  to  $  320,000,000 

1,500,000  slaves,  each  15  dollars         -         -      22,500,000 


x  f       345,500,000 

Of  which  we  import  about      -  60,OOO,OOO 


Leaving  a  balance  furnished  by  our  own  in- 
dustry, of  285,500,000 

To  which  add  the  above  sum  for  food  and 

drink 273,000,000 


It  gives  a  total  of         -  558,500,000 

Raw  materials  as  before  ...        29,000,000 


Annual  internal  trade  of  the  U.  States          %  587,50O,OOO 


What  exhilarating  views !  The  domestic  mar- 
ket for  food  and  drink  is  nearly  seven  hundred 


—  and  the  internal  trade  fifteen  hundred  per 
cent,  more  than  the  average  of  our  exports! 
How  infinitely  more  worthy  of  the  attention  of 
our  citizens  and  to  be  protected  by  our  statesmen 
than  they  have  appeared!  How  transcendently 
superior  to  that  foreign  commerce,  which  has 
been  fostered  with  so  much  care;  has  excited 
so  many  collisions  with  foreign  powers;  cost  us 
so  much  for  foreign  embassies,  navy,  and  war; 
and  entailed  on  us  so  heavy  a  national  debt. 


Again. 

Our  farmers  will  be  astonished  to  learn  that 
the  consumption  of  Philadelphia  in.  food  and 
drink,  supposing  the  population  125,000  per- 
sons, is  very  neafly  equal  to  the  amount  of  all 
the  eatable  articles  exported  from  this  country 
to  every  quarter  of  the  world. 

125,000  persons,  at  one  dollar  and  seventy- 
five  cents  per  week,  consume  to  the  amount 
of  218,500  dollars  per  week,  or  per  annum  S  11,375,000 

Total  exports  from  the  United  States  for  1819,  of  the  folio-w- 
ing articles. 

Custom-house 

valuation. 

Hams  Ibs.      700,369  3 1O,555 

Pork      -  -       bbls.      28,173  563,470 

Beef  bbls.      34,966  454,558 

Cheese  Ibs.  1,148,380  114,838 

Carried  forward       S  1,143,421 


(    160    ) 


Custom  house 

valuation. 

Brought  forward 

- 

- 

§1,143,421 

Sheep 

- 

8,445 

21,113 

Hogs 

2,324 

13,944 

Poultry 

- 

1,184 

3,552 

Indian  corn 

bushels 

1,086,762 

815,072 

Wheat     - 

do. 

82,065 

103,581 

Rye     -         ... 

do. 

67,605 

54,084 

Barley     - 

do. 

3,047 

3,047 

Oats     - 

do. 

23,284 

11,642 

Beans      - 

do. 

21,162 

37,054 

Peas    - 

do. 

41,400 

72,600 

Potatoes  - 

do. 

76,506 

38,253 

Apples         ... 

barrels 

8,253 

24,759 

Flour     ... 

do. 

750,660 

6,500,000 

Meal,  rye 

do. 

48,388 

241,940 

Indian 

do. 

135,271 

608,720 

Buckwheat     - 

-   do. 

203 

812 

Ship  stuff    - 

cwt. 

828 

4,968 

Biscuit     -         -         - 

-  bbls. 

54,603 

273,015 

Do.     - 

kegs 

44,184 

33,138 

Rice 

.  -    tkrces  76,523 

2,142,644 

Total  of  eatable  articles 


12,147,339 


CHAPTER  XIIL 

Calumnious  clamour  against  the  manufacturers 
on  the  ground  of  extortion.  Destitute  of  the 
shadow  of  foundation.  Take  the  beq,m  out  of 
thine  own  eye.  Rise  of  merino  wool  400  per 
cent.  Great  rise  of  the  price  of  merchandize 
after  the  declaration  of  war. 

THE  most  jjlausible  argument  used  to  defeat 
the  applications  of  the  manufacturers  for  relief. 

*«*JUhHMakMMMiMMk'  ***«•»*._—-••—•'"'"•"*•••• 

and  to  consign  those  that  have  hitherto  escaped 

•••^•••dHi^  >  «••••••••••"•••••• 

ruin,  to  the  jate  that  has  ^befallen  so  many  of 
their  Brethren,  is  the  "  extortion"*  they  are  said 
to  have  practised  during  the  late  war,  which,  if 
they  have  an  opportunity,  they  will,  it  is  assert- 
ed, repeat.  The  justice  of  this  accusation  is  as 
firmly  believed  by  a  large  portion  of  the  people 
of  the  United  States,  as  if  it  were  supported  by 
-  proofs  from  holy  writ."  Great  zeal  and  address 
have  been  employed  by  persons  whose  interests 
are  subserved  by  exciting  hostility  against  the 
manufacturers,  to  disseminate  this  prejudice. 
JJnfortunately  their  efforts  have  been  crowned 
with  success.  The  accusation,  it  is  true,  has 
been  refuted  times  without  number;  but,  re- 
gardless of  the  refutation,  it  is  still  advanced 

31 


(    163    ) 


with  as  much  confidence  as  if  disproof  had  ne- 
ver been  attempted,  and,  indeed,  as  if  it  were 
impossible. 

This  reproachful  charge  has  been  recently 
advanced  by  a  respectable  body  of  planters, 
whose  opportunities  and  situation  in  life  should 
have  shielded  them  from  falling  into  such  an 
error.  The  general  meeting  of  delegates  of  the 
United  Agricultural  Societies  of  Virginia,  in  a 
memorial  adopted  on  the  10th  of  January,  de- 
precate the  idea  of  being  placed 

"  At  the  mercy  of  an  association,  who,  competition  being 
"  removed,  will  no  longer  consider  the  intrinsic  value  of  an 
"  article,  or  what  price  would  afford  a  fair  profit  to  the  ma- 
"  nufacturer,  but  how  much  the  necessities  of  the  consumer 
"  would  enable  them  to  extort.  Of  this  spirit  we  had  a  sujp- 
"  dent  specimen  during  the  late  war  with  Great  Britain" 

This  very  gentlemanly,  decorous,  and  vera- 
cious accusation  is  the  act  of 


Thomas  Cocke, 
Edmund  Ruffin, 
John  Edmonds, 
George  Blow, 
W.  P.  Ruffin, 

W.  J.  Cocke, 
Nicholas  Fanleon, 
Charles  H.  Graves, 
Richard  Cocke, 
John  Pegram, 

Roger  A.  Jones,    "l 
Theophilus  Field,  j 
John  Jones,  and     ) 
Henry  Jones, 

j>E3crs. 


When  these  gentlemen  were  thus  denouncing 
"  the  extortion  practised  in  consequence  of  the 
necessities  of  the  consumer,''  it  is  wonderful 
they  did  not  pause  a  little,  and  reflect  on  the 
price  of  fifteen  dollars  per  cwt.  which  they 
received  in  1818  for  their  tobacco,  in  conse- 


(    163    ) 

quence  of  the  necessities  of  the  shippers,  where- 
by so  large  a  portion  of  those  shippers  were 
ruined,  and  so  many  illustrious  families  reduced 
from  a  state  of  affluence  to  penury  and  depen- 
dence !  They  might  also  turn  their  attention  to 
the  extravagant  price  of  two  and  three  dollars 
per  bushel  for  wheat,  and  eleven,  twelve,  thir- 
teen, and  fourteen  dollars  per  barrel  for  flour. 
These  reminiscences  would  have  been  rather 
malapropos,  and  deranged  some  of  the  flowery 
paragraphs  of  their  memorial.  Our  own  offences 
are  easily  forgotten.  "They  are  marked  in 
sand"— while  those  of  our  neighbours  are  "en- 
graven on  marble." 

As  the  prejudice  on  this  subject  has  produced 
the  most  deleterious  consequences,  not  merely 
on  the  happiness .  and  prosperity  of  the  manu- 
facturers generally,  but  on  the  power  and  re- 
sources of  the  nation,  1  hope  for  a  candid  hear- 
ing, while  I  investigate  it,  and  undertake  to 
prove — 

1.  That  the  charge  is  not  only  not  true,  but 
the  reverse  of  truth ;  that  the  rise  of  price  was 
perfectly  justifiable;  and  that  the  shadow  of  ex- 
tortion did  not  attach  to  the  procedure. 

2.  That  the  charge  of  extortion  would  apply 
with  infinitely  greater  force  and  propriety  to  the 
farmers,  planters,  and  merchants,  who  in  this 
case  are  the  accusers,  than  it  does  to  the  manu- 
facturers. 


(    16*    ) 

The  accusation  has  been  more  frequently 
predicated  on  the  rise  of  the  price  of  broad 
cloths,  than  of  any  other  article.  As  in  this  case 
it  comes  before  us  in  a  tangible  form,  and  sub- 
ject to  the  talisman  of  figures,  I  shall  there- 
fore  confine  myself  to  this  prominent  and  con- 
spicuous case  ;  observing,  en  passant,  that  the 
facts  and  reasoning  appjy  equally  to  other 
branches.  They  all  stand  on  nearly  the  same 
ground.  In  every  case,  in  which  a  rise  of  price 
took  place,  it  arose  from  a  cause  similar  to 
that  which  operated  on  broad  cloth.  Therefore 
if  the  charge  be  disproved  in  this  instance,  it 
falls  to  the  ground  on  the  whole ;  just  -as  when, 
during  the  late  war,  several  vessels  were  cap- 
tured in  circumstances  exactly  similar,  the  trial 
of  one  decided  the  fate  of  the  rest. 

The  facts  of  the  case  are,  superfine  broad 
cloth  was  sold  previous  to  the  war  at  from  eight 
to  nine  dollars  per  yard — during  the  war  it  rose 
to  twelve,  thirteen,  and  fourteen. 

On  this  "extortion"  the  changes  have  been 
rung  from  New  Hampshire  to  Georgia — from 
the  Atlantic  to  the  Mississippi.  It  is  considered 
as  a  set  off  against,  and  justification  of,  the  wide- 
spread scene  of  desolation,  the  sacrifice  of  capi- 
tal to  the  amount  of  millions,  the  ruin  of  hun- 
dreds of  capitalists,  and  the  extreme  distress  of 
thousands  whose  sole  dependence  is  on  the  la- 
bour of  their  hands — on  which  congress  have 


(    165    ) 

for  years  looked  with  unfeeling  indifference, 
without  taking  a  single  effectual  step  to  relieve 
the  sufferers,  or  to  remove  their  sufferings. 

The  value  of  every  manufactured  article  de- 
pends on  the  price  of  the  raw  material — the 
cost  of  workmanship — and  the  prolit  of  the  capi- 
talist by  whom  it  is  produced. 

That  a  rise  in  the  price  of  either  or  both  'of 
the  two  first  will  justify  a  rise  in  the  price  of  the 
article,  is  too  manifest  to  require  proof. 

Now,  to  the  senseless  and  calumnious  outcry 
against  ^extortion,"  on  this  subject,  it  would  be 
sufficient  to  state  the  simple  fact,  that  the  raw 
Inaterial  experienced  a  most  extraordinary  rise, 
as  will  appear  from  the  following  statement  of 
the  prices  at  different  periods — 

Prices  of  Merin'o  wool. 

1812.  May  1.  per'lb.  75  cents. 

July  20.  -  75  to  10O* 

Oct.  1.  -  75  to  150* 

1814.  May  1.  -  -  3OO  to  4OO* 

Aug.  29.  -  -  -  -  300  to  400* 

Nov.  14.  -  -  30O  to  400* 

This  alone  would  settle  the  question  beyond 
the  power  of  appeal. 

Let  it  be  observed,  that  it  requires  two  pounds 
of  wool  to  make  a  yard  of  superfine  cloth. 
Therefore  the  difference  in  the  price  of  the  raw 
material  accounts  for  and  fully  justifies  the  rise 

*  Grotjan's  Price  Current. 


(    166    ) 


in  the  price  of  the  cloth.  Two  pounds  in  May, 
1812,  cost  one  dollar  and  fifty  cents  ;  in  May, 
1814,  they  averaged  seven  dollars.  It  follows, 
that  the  per  centage  of  profit  was  not  so  great 
on  the  cloth  at  fourteen  dollars  as  at  eight. 

I  do  not  know  the  expense  of  workmanship; 
but  shall  suppose  it  five  dollars  per  yard. — Any 
other  sum  would  answer  equally  well. 


1812.  May  1. 

2  Ibs.  wool     ...      1   50 
Workmanship       -     -  5  00 


Profit 


6  50 
1  50 


Price  of  cloth      -       g  8  OO 
Profit  about  20  per   cent. 


1814.  May  1. 
2  Ibs.  wool     -     -     -     -  g  7 

Workmanship      -     -     -     5 


T 


Profit 


Price  of  cloth 
Profit  16f  per  cent. 


12 
•       2 

$14 


Wages,  too,  rose  considerably  in  consequence 
of  the  increased  demand  for  workmen;  for 
however  extraordinary  it  may  seem  to  colonel 
Pegram  and  his  friends,  it  is  nevertheless  true, 
that  a  workman  thinks  he  has  as  clear  a  right 
to  raise  his  wages  in  case  of  an  increased  de- 
mand, as  a  planter  has  to  raise  the  price  of 
his  tobacco  or  cotton  in  similar  circumstances. 

There  is,  moreover,  another  item  of  consi- 
derable importance  to  be  taken  into  view. 

Owing  to  the  utter  impolicy  of  our  govern- 
ment, and  the  want  of  adequate  protection  to 
the  woollen  manufacture,  the  business  had  not 
been  carried  to  any  extent  previous  to  the  war. 
The  establishments  were  at  that  time  to  be 


(    167   ) 

erected,  at  an  enormous  expense,  and  under 
considerable  disadvantages.  This  warranted  an 
extra  price,  in  the  shape  of  interest. 

I  now  proceed  to  prove,  that  had  the  woollen 
and  other  manufacturers  raised  the  prices  of 
their  fabrics,  without  any  rise  in  the  raw  mate- 
rials, or  wages,  or  without  any  extraordinary  ex- 
pense of  buildings,  neither  the  farmer  nor  the 
merchant  could  justly  censure  them,  without  at 
the  same  time  pronouncing  their  own  condem- 
nation. 

So  far  as  respects  the  farmer,  I  might  rest 
the  question  on  the  case  stated,  of  the  Me- 
rino wool.  The  rise  on  this  article,  from  seven- 
ty-five cents  to  three  and  four  dollars,  in  two 
years,  was  among  the  most  extravagant  ad- 
vances ever  known  in  the  annals  of  trade.  And  if 
the  charge  of  "  extortion"  would  ever  fairly  lie 
against  a  rise  in  price,  it  would  in  this  case  in- 
dubitably. Never  was  the  admonition — 

"  First  cast  the  beam  out  of  thine  own  eye — and  then  t/iou 
shalt  see  clearly  to  cast  out  the  mote  out  of  thy  brother's  eye" 

more  appropriate.  Had  the  Pharisee  in  the  gos- 
>1,  reproached  the  publican  with  pride,  he 
would  not  have  been  more  culpable  than  the  far- 
mer, who  raised  his  wool  four  hundred  per  cent, 
and  reproaches  the  manufacturer  with  "  extor- 
tion" for  raising  the  cloth,  made  of  that  wool, 
fifty  per  cent.  Indeed  in  all  the  exuberant  stock 


168    ) 


of  human  fplly,  there  cannot  be  found  any  thing 
more  extraordinary  or  extravagant 

But  the  defence  does  not  i;est  on  this  ground 
alone.  It  is  corroborated  by  almost  every  article 
of  agricultural  produce,  which  has  always  risen 
in  consequence  of  an  increased  demand.  Tore- 
move  all  doubt,  if  doubt  could  have  existed,  I 
state  from  the  Philadelphia  price  current  the 
various  prices  of  four  articles  at  different  periods, 
with  the  very  extraordinary  advances  on  them. 


Flour, 

Tar. 
Pitch. 


1809. 


1810. 


1813. 


1813. 


Hams.   1813. 


Jan.     16. 

March 

6. 

May 

1. 

Aug. 

1. 

Jan. 

9. 

May 

8. 

Jan. 

9. 

May 

8. 

Oct. 

9. 

Jan. 

9. 

May 

8. 

Oct. 

9. 

-  per  bbl.  g  5  50 
7  50 

-  8  00 
11  OO 

-  2  10 
4  00 
2  50 
4  50 

-  5  00 
per  Ib.      9i 

11 
-    -       14J 


So  much  for  the  farmers.  Let  us  now  ex- 
amine how  far  they  are  kept  in  countenance  by 
the  proceedings  of  the  merchants. 

War  was  declared  on  the  i.8th  of  June,  1 8  is. 
An  immediate  rise  of  price  took  place  in  every 
article  in  the  market  which  was  either  scarce 
or  likely  to  become  so.  Some  were  at  once 
raised  fitly,  sixty,  and  seventy  per  cent. 


(    169    ) 


1812.     June  9. 
per  Ib.    S  1   30 
96 


1812.     July  13. 


15* 


Imperial  tea 

Hyson 

Coffee 

White  Havanna  sugar,  per  cwt.  14  75 

Brown         do.         do.  12  75 

All  these  advances  took  place  in  less  than 
five  weeks. 


1  35 

20 

18  50 
16  00 


Russia  hemp 
Havanna  molasses 
Souchong  tea 


1812.     June  9. 

per  ton   S  242  5O 

56 

50 


1812.     Aug.  10. 
S30O  OO 
721 
75 


Salt,        per  bushel       1812.       May 

Aug. 

1813.  Oct. 

1814.  Aug. 
Oct 

Tin,          per  box          1812.       May 

Aug. 

Oct. 

1814.       Aug. 
Plaster  Paris,  per  ton    1812.      June 

Aug.  31. 

Oct.  5. 

Dec.  14. 


55 

85 

1  35 

-  2  25 
3  OO 

-  28  OO 

-  32  00 

-  33  00 

-  50  OO 

-  12  37 

-  14  50 

-  15  50 

-  17  50 


This  was  all  regarded  as  perfectly  fair,  ho- 
nest  and  honourable.  There  was  not  the  sha- 
dow of  "  extortion"  supposed  to  be  in  it.  The 
merchant,  who  raised  his  souchong  tea  fifty  per 
cent,  was  so  deeply  engaged  in  clearing  the  ma- 
nufacturer's eye  of  the  "  mote,"  that  he  quite 
forgot  to  "  take  the  beam  out  of  his  own." 


(    170    ) 

Can  the  citizen,  who  buys  flour  at  six  dol- 
lars, and  sells  it  occasionally  in  the  West  Indies 
for  twenty,  twenty-live,  or  thirty  dollars,  with- 
out a  deep  blush  reproach  the  manufacturer 
with  "  extortion"  for  raising  broad  cloth,  from 
eight  to  fourteen  dollars,  when  the  raw  material 
rose  so  extravagantly  ?  or  even  had  the  price  of 
the  latter  remained  stationary? 

Rise  of  price,  in  consequence  of  scarcity  or 
increased  demand,  is,  or  is  not,  "extortion" 
This  is  a  dilemma,  on  the  horns  of  which  the 
farmers,  planters  and  merchants  are  caught.  If 
it  be  "  extortion,"  they  have  been  and  are  u  ex- 
tortioners"* in  the  fullest  sense  of  the  wrord  ;  as 
they  always  have  and  always  do  raise  the  price 
of  their  produce  or  merchandize,  in  conse- 
quence of  scarcity  or  increased  demand.  In- 
deed, if  this  be  extortion,  all  mankind  are  ex- 
tortioners— lawyers,  doctors,  apothecaries,  house 
owners,  ship  owners,  money  lenders,  planters, 
and  farmers,  without  distinction;  for  they  all 
raise  their  prices  in  consequence  of  an  increas- 
ed demand.  But  if  this  be  not  extortion,  as  it 
certainly  is  not,  then  every  man,  woman,  or 
child  in  the  nation,  from  the  highest,  proudest, 
haughtiest,  and  wealthiest,  down  to  the  lowest 
scullion,  who  has  advanced  the  charge  of  "  ex- 
tortion"  against  the  manufacturers,  has  broken  the 
eighth  c'ommandment  of  the  decalogue,  and 
u  borne  false  witness  against  his  neighbour." 


(  171  ) 

I  trust,  therefore,  that  there  is  no  man  of  libe- 
rality in  the  country,  who  considers  the  subject 
with  due  attention,  but  will  allow  that  the  inces- 
sant clamour  against  the  manufacturers  for  ex- 
tortion, is  illiberal  and  disgraceful  to  the  age — 
utterly  destitute  of  foundation — in  direct  hostility 
with  that  brotherly  regard  which  fellow  citizens 
owe  each  other,  and  which  is  the  surest  founda- 
tion of  harmony  and  happiness  in  a  community; 
and  that  it  produces  a  system  of  conduct  incon- 
sistent with  the  soundest  principles  of  political 
economy — as  well  as  destructive  to  the  perma- 
nent wealth,  power,  and  resources  of  the  nation. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

agricultural  the  predominant  interest  in  the 
United  States.  Great  advantages  to  agricul- 
ture from  the  vicinity  of  manufacturing  esta- 
blishments. Case  of  Aberdeen.  Of  Harmony. 
Of  Providence  Fall  of  lands  the  result  of  the 
decay  of  manufactures. 

As  the  agriculturists  are  now,  and  are  likely 
to  be  for  a  century  at  least,  the  predominating 
interest  in  this  country,  and  have  a  decided 
influence  in  its  legislation,  it  is  of  immense  im- 
portance that  they  should  form  correct  views 
on  the  system  best  calculated  to  promote  the 
general  welfare.  And  it  is  much  to  be  regretted 
that  the  endeavours  to  persuade  them,  that 
there  is  an  hostility  between  their  interests  and 
those  of  their  manufacturing  fellow  citizens, 
have  been  but  too  successful.  Never  was  there 
a  prejudice  much  more  unfounded,  or  more 
pernicious  to  their  prosperity  and  to  that  of  the 
nation  at  large. 

It  is  proved,  (page  159)  that  the  annual  con- 
sumption  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia  in  food  and 
drink,  amounts  to  about  8  11,000,000,  all  paid 
to  the  farmers,  which  is  more  than  one-fifth 
part  of  all  the  domestic  exports  of  the  United 


(    173    ) 

States  for  the  last  year;  within  ten  per  cent, 
of  the  whole  of  the  articles  of  food  exported 
within  that  year;  and  almost  thirty  per  cent,  of 
the  average  domestic  exports  of  the  nation  for 
the  last  thirty  years. 

To  the  farmer  and  planter  the  home  market 
is  incomparably  more  advantageous  than  the 
foreign.  Woeful  experience  proves  that  the  lat- 
ter is  subject  to  ruinous  fluctuations.  Where- 
as the  former  is  permanent  and  steady,  little 
liable  to  vicissitude.  It  furnishes  demand  for 
the  farmer's  vegetables,  his  poultry,  his  fruit, 
his  fuel,  and  various  other  articles,  which  are  too 
perishable,  or  too  bulky  in  proportion  to  their 
value,  for  exportation.  The  income  from  all 
these  forms  an  important  item  in  the  prospe- 
rity of  the  farmer.  This  is  true,  even  in  small 
countries,  as  England,  Ireland,  and  Scotland, 
of  which  every  part  is  contiguous  to,  or  not  far 
distant  from  the  advantages  of  navigation.  But 
it  has  ten-fold  weight  in  a  country  like  the  Uni- 
ted States,  of  which  a  large  and  important 
portion  is  from  three  to  fifteen  hundred  miles 
distant  from  the  emporium  to  which  its  pro- 
ductions must  be  transported  before  they 
are  put  on  shipboard  to  be  forwarded  to  a  mar- 
ket. The  difference,  to  these  portions  of  this 
country,  between  a  foreign  and  domestic  mar- 
ket, is  probably  equal  to  fifty  per  cent,  of  the 
whole  profits  of  farming. 

As  theories,  however  plausible,  are  liable  to 


C 

great  errors,  unless  supported  by  the  bulwark 
of  facts,  I  presume  that  it  cannot  be  unaccepta- 
ble to  the  reader,  to  have  these  important  views 
supported  by  facts  of  undeniable  authenticity. 
I  therefore  submit  for  consideration  the  case  of 
the  neighbourhood  of  Aberdeen,  in  Scotland, 
and  that  of  the  settlement  of  Harmony,  in  the 
state  of  Pennsylvania. 

"  Have  we  not  opportunities  of  observing  every  day,  that 

"  in  the  neighbourhood  of  a  ready  market,  no  inducements  are 
"  necessary  to  excite  the  common  farmer  to  become  industrious^ 
"  and  carry  on  improvements  of  every  sort  with  success  f  A 
"  particular  case  occurs  to  me  just  now,  that  is  so  directly 
u  in  point,  that  I  cannot  resist  the  temptation  of  producing 
"  it,  as  an  example  of  the  rapid  progress  -with  which  improve' 
"  merits  in  agriculture  are  made  ^vhen  circumstances  are  fa- 
^  v  our  able. 

"  The  town  of  Aberdeen  HAS  MADE  GREAT  ADVANCES  IN 

U"  TRADE   AND  MANUFACTURES    WITHIN    THESE     THIRTY     OR 

"  FORTY  YEARS  PAST.  The  number  of  inhabitants  has  in- 
"  creased  greatly  within  that  period.  Money  has  become  more 
"plenty  there  than  formerly .  Their  manner  of  living  is  now 
"  more  elegant  and  expensive ;  articles  of  luxury  have  in- 
"  creased.  In  consequence  of  good  roads  having  become 
"  more  common,  horses  and  wheel-carriages  have  also  be- 
u  come  extremely  numerous.  On  all  which  accounts,  the  de- 
u  mand for  fresh  vegetables  has  greatly  increased  in  that  place 
u  within  the  period  above-mentioned. 

"  But  on  account  of  the  particular  situation  of  that  town, 
"  it  was  a  matter  of  some  difficulty  to  augment  the  produce 
"  of  the  fields  in  that  neighbourhood,  and  supply  the  daily 
"  increasing  demand  for  these.  This  city  is  placed  in  the 
*'  midst  of  a  country  that  is  naturally  the  most  sterile  that  can 
u  possibly  be  imagined.  For,  unless  it  be  a  few  hundred  acres 
"  of  ground  that  lie  between  the  mouths  of  the  rivers  Dee 
44  and  Don,  close  by  the  town,  there  was  not  on  inch  of 


(    175    ) 

11  ground  for  many  miles  around  it  that  could  supply  the  in- 
44  habitants  -with  amj  of  the  necessaries  of  life.  On  the  east  is 
u  the  German  Ocean.  On  the  south  the  Grampian  moun- 
"  tains  come  close  to  the  river,  terminating  in  a  head-land 
44  on  the  south  side  of  the  harbour,  called  the  Girdle  Ness  : 
"  and  on  the  west  and  north,  it  is  environed  for  many  miles 
44  with  an  extended  waste,  the  most  dismal  that  can  be  con- 
44  ceived,  in  which  nothing  can  be  -discovered  but  large 
u  masses. of  stone  heaped  upon  one  another,  interspersed 
44  here  and  there  with  a  few  bushes  of  starved  heath,  or  dis- 
u  joined  by  uncomfortable  bogs  and  spouting  marshes,  the 
"  most  unpromising  to  the  views  of  the  farmer  that  can  pos- 
"  sibly  be  imagined. 

u  But  what  is  it  that  human  industry  cannot  perform ! 
44  what  undertaking  is  too  bold  for  man  to  attempt  when  he 
"  has  the  prospect  of  being1  repaid  for  his  labour!  Even  these 
44  dismal  wastes,  it  was  imagined,  might  be  converted  into 
44  corn-fields.  The  ground  was  trenched  ;  the  stones  were 
44  blasted  by  gunpowder,  and  removed  at  an  immense  ex- 
"pense;  manures  were  purchased:  and  thousands  of  acres 
44  of  this  sort  of  ground  are  now  waving  -with  the  most  luxu- 
44  riant  harvests,  and  yield  a  rent  from  Jive  to  eight  pounds  ster- 
44  ling  per  acre. 

44  In  any  other  part  of  the  world  that  I  have  seen,  it  would 
41  be  reckoned  impossible  to  convert  such  soils  to  any  valua- 
44  blc  use  ;  and  the  most  daring  improver  that  I  have  met 
44  with  any  where  else,  would  shrink  back  from  attempting 
44  to  cultivate  a  field  which  an  Aberdeensman  would  con- 
44  sider  as  a  trifling  labour.  Loilg  habit  has  familiarised 
44  them  to  such  arduous  undertakings, — undertakings  which 
44  could  not  be  attempted  any  where  else  ;  as,  unless  in  such 
44  a  particular  situation  as  I  have  described,  the  improver 
"could  never  be  repaid.  For  in  what  other  part  of  Europe 
44  could  a  man  lay  out  one  hundred  pounds  sterling,  or  up- 
44  wards,  on  an  acre  of  ground,  before  it  could  be  put  under 
44  crop,  with  any  prospect  of  being  repaid  ?  yet  this  is  no 
44  uncommon  thing  in  that  neighbourhood. 

44  Nor  is  this  all :  For  to  such  a  height  is  the  spirit  for 


(    176   ) 

"  improvement  risen  in  that  part  of  the  world,  that  they  are 
"  not  only  eager  to  cultivate  those  barren  fields,  but  even 
"  purchase  these  dreary  wastes  at  a  vast  expense,  for  that 
"  purpose.  The  last  spot  of  ground  of  this  sort  that  was  to  be 
"  disposed  of  in  that  neighbourhood,  was  f cue  d  off  by  the  town 
"  of  Aberdeen  in  the  year  1773,  for  ever,  at  an  annual  quit-rent, 
"  or,  as  we  call  it,  feu-duty,  of  thirty-three  or  thirty-four  shil- 
"  lings  sterling  per  acre,  although  it  -was  not  then,  and  never 
"  could  have  been  worth  sixpence  per  acre,  if  left  in  its  native 
u  state — nor  could  be  converted  into  corn-ground  but  at  an 
"  expense  nearly  equal  to  that  above-mentioned. 

"  Could  I  produce  a  more  satisfactory  proof,  that  A 
"  GOOD  MARKET  WILL  ALWAYS  PRODUCE  A 
"  SPIRITED  AGRICULTURE  ?"* 

To  this  Scotch  case,  which  is  nearly  as  strong 
and  conclusive  as  the  mind  can  conceive,  I 
shall  add  a  more  recent  American  one,  which 
has  a  peculiar  interest. 

The  settlement  at  Harmony,  in  the  state  of 
Pennsylvania,  was  begun  in  the  fall  of  1804, 
and  is  probably  the  only  settlement  ever  made 
in  America,  in  which  from  ,t}ie  outset  agricul- 
ture and  manufactures  proceeded  hand-in-hand 
together.  The  progress  to  wealth  and  prospe- 
rity, therefore,  has  been  far  beyond  any  previous 
example  in  this  country. 

"In  1809,  they  built  a  fulling  mill,  which  does  a  great 
"  deal  of  business  for  the  country,  a  hemp  mill,  an  oil  mill, 
"  a  grist  mill,  a  brick  warehouse,  46  by  36  feet,  having  a 
"wine  cellar  completely  arched  over;  and  another  brick 

*  Anderson  on  the  means  of  exciting  a  spirit  of  National 
Industry,  p.  63, 


(   177   ) 

il  building  of  the  same  dimensions.  A  considerable  quan- 
u  tity  of  land  was  cleared.  The  produce  of  this  year  was 
u  60OO  bushels  of  Indian  corn;  4500  bushels  of  wheat; 
44  450O  bushels  of  rye ;  5000  bushels  of  oats ;  1O,OOO  bu- 
"  shels  of  potatoes  ;  400O  Ibs.  of  flax  and  hemp  ;  10O  bushels 
44  of  barley  brewed  into  beer ;  and  50  gallons  of  sweet  oil, 
"  made  from  the  white  poppy,  and  equal  to  the  imported 
"  olive  oil.  Of  this  produce  they  sold  3000  bushels  of  corn, 
"  1000  bushels  of  potatoes,  1000  bushels  of  wheat;  and 
"  they  distilled  1600  bushels  of  rye. 

"  In  1810,  a  wool-carding  machine  and  two  spinning  jen- 
44  nies  were  erected,  for  the  fabrication  of  broad  cloth  from 
"  the  wool  of  merino  sheep.  A  frame  barn  was  built,  100 
44  feet  long,  and  a  brick  house  built,  to  accommodate  2O 
"  weavers'  looms."* 

"  After  breakfast,  we  visited  the  different  branches  of 
44  manufactures.  In  the  wool  loft,  eight  or  ten  women  were 
"  employed  in  teazing  and  sorting  the  wool  for  the  carding 
44  machine  which  is  at  a  distance  on  the  creek.  From  thence 
44  the  roves  are  brought  to  the  spinning  house  in  the  town, 
"  where  we  found  two  roving  billies  and  six  spinning  jen- 
44  nies  at  work.  They  were  principally  wrought  by  young 
44  girls,  and  they  appeared  perfectly  happy,  singing  church 
44  music  most  melodiously.  In  the  weaving  house  sixteen 
44  looms  were  at  work,  besides  several  warpers  and  win- 
"  ders."f 

44  After  dinner  we  visited  the  soap  and  candle  works ; 
44  the  dye  works  ;  shearing  and  dressing  works ;  the  turners, 
44  carpenters, and  machine  makers;  and,  finally, we  were  con- 
44  ducted  through  the  warehouses,  which  we  found  plenti- 
44  fully  stored  with  commodities ;  among  others,  we  saw 
<4  450  pieces  of  broad  and  narrow  cloth,  part  of  it  of  merino 
44  wool,  and  of  as  good  a  fabric  as  anif  that  ever  was  made  in 
44  England.  We  were  told,  that  they  could  sell  the  best  broad 
44  cloth,  as  fast  as  made,  at  ten  dollars  per  yard"\ 

*Melish's  Travels,  ii.  68.      f  Idem,  70.      i  Idem,  71. 


(   178  ) 

"The  society  now  [1811]  consists  of  about  800  persons, 
"  and  the  operative  members  are  nearly  as  follow :  one 
"  hundred  farmers ;  three  shepherds ;  ten  masons ;  three 
"  stone-cutters  ;  three  brickmakers  ;  ten  carpenters  ;  two 
"  sawyers ;  ten  smiths  ;  two  wagon  makers  ;  three  turners ; 
"  two  nailors  ;  seven  coopers ;  three  rope  makers  ;  ten  shoe- 
"  makers ;  two  saddlers  ;  three  tanners  ;  seven  taylors  ;  one 
"  soap  boiler ;  one  brewer ;  four  distillers  ;  one  gardener ; 
"  two  grist  millers  ;  two  oil  millers ;  one  butcher ;  six  join- 
"ers;  six  dyers,  dressers,  shearers,  &c.;  one  fuller;  two 
"  hatters  ;  two  potters  ;  two  warpers  ;  seventeen  weavers  ; 
"  two  carders  ;  eight  spinners  ;  one  rover ;  one  minister  of 
"religion;  one  schoolmaster;  one  doctor;  one  storekeeper, 
"with  two  assistants;  and  one  tavern  keeper,  with  one 
"  assistant."* 

The  original  stock,  in  1804,  was  20,000 
dollars,  which  was  expended  in  the  purchase 
of  land,  and  in  supporting  themselves  till  they 
commenced  their  operations.  And,  in  1811, 
their  property  amounted  to  the  wonderful  sum 
of  220,000  dollars. 

"  900  acres  of  land      -  jS  90,OOO 

"  Stock  of  provisions      -  25,OOO 

"  Mills,  machinery,  and  public  buildings  21,OOO 

u  Dwelling  houses  -     18,O()0 

"  Horses,  cattle,  hogs,  and  poultry  10,000 

"  100O  sheep,  one-third  of  them  merinoes,  of  which 

one  ram  cost  100O  dollars  6,000 

"  Stock  of  goods,  spirits,  manufactures,  leather,  im- 
plements of  husbandry,  &c.  &c.  50,000 


$220,000j 


*  Melish's  Travels,  ii.  77.  f  Idem,  80. 


(    179    ) 

To  this  delightful  picture  of  the  blessed  effects 
of  a  judicious  distribution  of  industry,  the  states- 
man ought  to  direct  his  eyes  steadily.  It  holds 
out  a  most  instructive  lesson  on  the  true  policy 
to  promote  human  happiness,  and  to  advance 
the  wealth,  power,  and  resources  of  nations. 
The  histor)  of  the  world  may  be  examined  in 
vain  for  any  instance  of  such  rapid  strides  made 
by  any  body  of  men,  wholly  unaided  by  boun- 
ties, premiums, loans orimmunities from  govern- 
ment. The  Harmonists  were  true  practical  po- 
litical economists.  They  did  not,  like  so  large 
a  portion  of  the  rest  of  the  people  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  lavish  their  wealth  on  the  manufac- 
tures of  a  distant  hemisphere,  nor  buy  abroad 
cheap  those  articles  which  they  could  procure 
at  home.  In  the  sound  and  strong  language  of 
Mr.  Jefferson,  they  "  placed  the  manufacturer 
beside  the  agriculturist;"  and  they  have  reaped 
the  copious  harvest  which  such  a  policy  cannot 
fail  to  secure.  One  such  practical  example  out- 
weighs volumes  of  the  visionary  theories  of 
those  closet  politicians,  who  are  the  dupes  of 
their  heated  imaginations. 

Mr.  Gallatin's  report  on  manufactures,  dated 
April,  17,  1810,  contains  an  important  statement 
of  the  situation  of  a  manufactory  in  Providence, 
Rhode  Island,  which  sheds  great  light  on  this 
subject,  and  which  is  entitled  to  the  most  seri- 
ous attention. 


(    180    ) 

In  this  manufactory  there  were  employed,  males      -       24 
Females  29 

And  besides  the  above,  there  were  employed  for  the 

establishment,  in  neighbouring  families,  males     -         50 
Females  ........75 


Thus,  out  of  one  hundred  and  seventy-eight 
persons,  there  were  one  hundred  and  four  fe- 
males. The  report  is  so  far  deficient,  that  it 
does  not  detail  the  respective  ages  of  the  work 
people  ;  but  judging  from  the  state  of  other  ma- 
nufactories, we  may  assume  that  at  least  half 
of  the  whole  number  were  children. 

If  this  be  admitted,  it  will  follow,  that  there  were  men     3/ 
Women         -  52 

Male  and  female  children        -  -  89 


irs 


To  the  farmer  this  statement  presents  itself  in 
a  peculiarly  striking  point  of  light.  Of  the  whole 
number  of  persons  to  whom  this  manufactory 
afforded  employment,  more  than  two-thirds  be- 
longed to  the  circumjacent  farm-houses,  who 
were  thus  enabled  to  gather  up  fragments  of 
time,  which  would  otherwise  have  been  inevit^ 
ably  lost.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the  profits 
of  their  labour  were  nearly  equal  to  the  pro- 
fits of  the  farming. 


I  might  cite  the  cases  of  Brandy  wine,  Wil- 
mington, Pittsburg,  Providence,  Lancaster,  and 
a  hundred  other  places  in  the  United  States, 
where  the  establishment  of  manufactories,  by 
affording  an  extensive  and  advantageous  mar- 
ket to  the  farmer,  doubled  and  trebled  the  price 
of  the  lands  in  their  neighbourhood — and  in- 
creased in  an  equal  degree  the  comforts  and 
prosperity  of  the  farmers.  And  on  the  contrary, 
numberless  instances  are  to  be  met  with,  in 
which  the  recent  decline  of  manufactures  has 
reduced  the  lands  to  one-third,  or  one-fourth, 
of  the  previous  price.  The  average  reduc- 
tion of  the  price  of  land  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Pittsburg  is  one-half  of  what  it  was 
bought  and  sold  for  in  1813,  14,  and  15. 

The  farmers  of  the  United  States  have  been 
induced  to  oppose  protection  to  their  manufac- 
turing fellow  citizens,  lest  they  should  be  oblig- 
ed to  purchase  domestic,  at  a  higher  rate  than 
imported  manufactures.  This  erroneous  policy 
has  carried  its  own  punishment  with  it.  The  re- 
duction in  the  price  of  the  farmer's  produce, 
which  can  be  obviously  traced  to  the  prostra- 
tion of  the  manufactories,  has  in  many  cases 
been  quadruple  the  saving  in  the  price  of  the  ar- 
ticles he  purchased.  I  take  as  examples,  raw 
wool  and  woollen  cloth,  and  suppose  that  the 
farmer  could  buy  foreign  cloth  for  six  dollars, 
and  would  have  to  pay,  in  consequence  of  pro- 


tecting  duties,  nine  for  American — a  difference 
that  never  existed  in  regular  trade.  The  prices 
of  goods  purchased  at  auction,  cannot  with  pro- 
priety be  taken  into  account.  They  baffle  all 
calculation. 

Merino  wool  now  sells  for  fifty  cents  per 
pound:  of  course  it  would  require  twelve  pounds 
to  pay  for  a  yard  of  British  cloth.  But  had  the 
woollen  manufacture  been  duly  protected,  wool 
would  be  at  least  one  dollar.  Thus  nine  pounds 
of  wool  would  pay  for  a  yard  of. domestic  cloth, 
at  the  presumed  advance  of  price. 

Let  it  be  added,  moreover,  that  the  farmer 
would  probably  sheer  twice  or  three  times 
the  quantity  of  wool,  were  the  price  one 
dollar,  that  he  does  at  present:  for  had  the 
woollen  manufacture  been  protected,  the  me- 
rino sheep,  in  which  such  immense  sums  were 
invested,  would  have  been  preserved,  instead 
of  so  large  a  portion  of  them  being  consigned 
to  the  slaughter-house. 

Believing  that  the  prejudices  prevailing  on 
this  subject  have  done  more  injury  to  this  coun- 
try, and  more  retarded  its  progress  than  all  the 
wars  it  ever  carried  on,  from  the  landing  of 
"  the  Pilgrims'5  to  the  present  hour,  I  make  no 
apology  for  adding  another  instructive  quota- 
tion from  the  respectable  writer  who  figures 
so  largely  at  the  commencement  of  it.  Would 
to  heaven  that  those  farmers  and  planters 


(    183    ) 

who  form  the  majority  of  the  legislature  of 
the  United  States,  were  duly  impressed  with  the 
soundness  of  his  statements,  and  predicated  the 
laws  of  their  country  on  the  useful  lessons  they 
furnish!  The  United  States  would  then  present 
a  different  spectacle  from  what  they  do  at  pre- 
sent to  their  friends  and  enemies — a  spectacle 
of  gratulation  to  the  former,  and  of  mourning  to 
the  latter. 

"  A  nation  peopled  only  by  farmers  must  be  a  region  of  in- 
44  dolence  and  misery.  If  the  soil  is  naturally  fertile,  little 
41  labour  will  procure  abundance  ;  but  for  want  of  exercise 
"  even  that  little  labour  will  be  burthensome  and  often  ne- 
"  glected.  Want  will  be  felt  in  the  midst  of  abundance ; 
"  and  the  human  mind  be  abased  nearly  to  the  same  degree 
u  with  the  beasts  that  graze  in  the  field.  If  the  region  is 
44  more  barren,  the  inhabitants  will  be  obliged  to  become 
44  somewhat  more  industrious  and  therefore  more  happy. 

44  Those  therefore  who  wish  to  make  agriculture  flourish  hi 
44  any  country,  can  have  no  hope  of  succeeding1  in  the  attempt 
44  but  by  bringing  commerce  and  manufactures  to  her  aid; 
44  which,  by  taking  from  the  farmer  his  superfluous  produce, 
"gives  spirit  to  his  operations,  and  life  and  activity -to  hit 
44  mind.  Without  this  stimulus  to  activity,  in  vain  do  we 
44  use  arguments  to  rouse  the  sluggish  inhabitants.  In  vain 
44  do  we  discover  that  the  earth  is  capable  of  producing  the 
44  most  luxuriant  harvests  with  little  labour.  Our  own  abun- 
44  dant  crops  are  produced  as  undeniable  proofs  of  this  in 
44  vain.  But  place  a  manufacturer  in  the  neighbourhood,  who 
44  will  buy  every  little  article  that  the  farmer  can  bring  to 
44  market,  and  he  will  soon  become  industrious — the  most  bar- 
44  ren  fields  will  become  covered  with  some  useful  produce. 
44  Instead  of  listless  vagabonds,  unfit  for  any  service — the- 
44  country  will  abound  with  a  hardy  and  robust  race  of  men. 


84    ) 

"  fit  for  every  valuable  purpose :  and  the  voice  of  festivity 
"  and  joy  be  heard  in  every  corner,  instead  of  the  groam, 
"  of  misery  and  the  sighs  of  discontent."* 

The  vacancy  in  this  page  may  be  usefully 
filled  with  an  extract  from  Parkes'  Chemical 
essays,  which  bears  cogently  on  this  subject. 


"  If  a  line  be  drawn  upon  the  map  of  England,  across 
the  country  from  Sunderland  to  Bristol,  all  the  counties 
on  the  west  of  this  line,  will  be  found  jto  contain  coal. 
Formerly  these  were  the  least  valuable  districts,  and  the 
parts  of  the  country  which  werethe  most  thinly  populat- 
ed. Hence,  when  the  constitution  of  the  British  parlia- 
ment was  established,  the  greatest  weight  of  representa- 
tion was  given  to  the  rich  counties  on  the  other  side  of 
that  line.  Whereas,  now,  owing  to  the  establishment  of 
manufactures,  the  coal  counties  have  become  the  most  popu- 
lous and -wealthy :  and  the  agricultural  districts  have  either 
been  comparatively  deserted,  or  at  least  have  not  much 
increased  in  population. 

"  This  accounts  in  some  measure  for  the  inequality  of 
our  representation,  and  shows  very  distinctly  the  value 
of  our  mines  of  coal,  and  that  by  the  establishment  of  ma- 
nufactures,  even  the  most  sterile  and  forbidding  district  may 
be  rendered  populous,  flourishing  and  opulent  "\ 


*  Anderson  on  National  Industry,  p.  61 
fVol.  II.  p.  361. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

General  reflexions  on  commerce.  Conducted  on 
terms  of  reciprocity,  highly  advantageous. 
Commerce  of  the  United  States  carried  on 
upon  very  unequal  terms.  Has  produced  most 
injurious  consequences.  Tables  of  exports.  Es- 
timates  oj  the  profits  of  commerce.  Pernicious 
consequences  of  the  competition  of  our  merchants 
in  the  domestic  and  foreign  markets.  The  ruin 
of  so  many  of  them  the  result  of  the  excess 
of  their  numbers. 

THE  extent  and  value  of  the  commerce  of  the 
United  States  have  long  been  prolific  themes  for 
orators  in  congress,  and  writers  of  newspapers 
— and  it  appears  generally  assumed  to  be  only 
second  to  our  agriculture,  and  far  beyond  manu- 
factures in  importance.  It  has  had  incompara- 
bly more  attention  bestowed  on  it  by  our  go- 
vernment, than  either  agriculture  or  manufac- 
tures. A  candid  investigation  of  those  sounding 
pretensions,  whereby  they  may  have  the  seal  of 
certainty  imprinted  on  them,  if  they  be  correct; 
or,  if  otherwise,  may  be  reduced  to  their  pro- 
per standard,  cannot  fail  to  be  interesting. 


That  commerce,  properly  conducted,  on  fair 
and  reciprocal  terms,  is  highly  beneficial,  has 
never  been  doubted  by  any  sound  mind.  It  tends 
to  civilize,  and  increase  the  comforts  of,  the  great 
family  of  mankind. 

i  But  that  it  may  be,  and  is  occasionally,  very 
injurious,  is  equally  clear.  When  one  nation 
receives  only  luxuries  from  another,  and  pays 
for  them  in  necessaries  of  life,  or  specie,  or  in 
raw  materials  which  would  find  employment  for 
its  own  people,  it  is  eminently  pernicious. 

To  make  the  matter  more  clear,  I  will  sup- 
pose that  England  were  to  furnish  France  with 
her  raw  wool,  lead,  tin,  iron,  flax  and  hemp,  and 
to  receive  in  return  Merino  shawls,  silks,  satins, 
pearl  necklaces,  diamond  watches,  £yc.  the  most 
devoted  advocate  for  commerce  would  allow 
this  species  of  it  to  be  extremely  pernicious. 

Again.  If  England  furnished  wool,  flax,  hemp, 
and  iron,  and  received  in  return  even  necessary 
articles,  such  as  broadcloths,  linen,  duck,  hard- 
ware, £jc.  it  would  be  highly  disadvantageous ; 
as  she  would  give  the  produce  of  the  labour  of 
five,  ten,  or  twenty  persons  for  that  of  one. 

But  such  a  commerce  would  be  transcend- 
ently  pernicious,  if  England  had  a  large  portion 
of  her  population  wholly  unemployed,  and  capa- 
ble of  manufacturing  those  articles  for  her  own 
consumption. 

If  this  reasoning  be  correct,  as  applicable  to 


(    187    ) 

Great  Britain,  it  is  difficult  to  prove  why  the 
system  should  not  be  equally  pernicious  to  the 
United  States.  It  is  as  absurd,  as  impolitic,  and 
as  cruel  to  our  citizens,  who  are  suffering  for 
want  of  employment,  and  who  could  manufac- 
ture cotton  goods  for  us,  to  export  such  quali- 
ties of  raw  cotton,  and  receive  cambrics  and 
muslins  in  return,  as  it  would  be  for  England  to 
export  her  wool,  and  import  her  woollen  manu- 
factures. 


"  Strike,  but  hear,"  said  a  general,  about  to 
offer  some  unpalatable  opinions  to  a  friend. 
As  the  views  I  am  going  to  take  of  the  subject 
of  commerce,  however  true,  are  likely  to  be  as 
unpalatable  to  the  merchants  as  the  opinions  of 
the  general  to  his  friend,  I  say  to  them  "  strike, 
but  hear." 

I  shall  attempt  to  prove — 

1.  That  a  large  proportion  of  the  productive 
manufacturing  industry  of  this  country  has  been 
sacrificed  to  our  commerce. 

2.  That  the  commerce  of  the  United  States 
has  been  carried  on,  upon  very  unequal  terms 

—and  that  it  has  produced  most  injurious  re- 
sults upon  the  national  prosperity. 

3.  That  its  extent  and  advantages  have  been 
overrated.  And 

4.  That  the  numerous  bankruptcies  among 


188    ) 

our  merchants  have  chiefly  arisen  from  the  want 
of  protection  to  manufactures. 

These  views  ire  so  repugnant  to  the  feelings 
and  prejudices  of  a  numerous  class  of  citizens, 
that  1  can  scarcely  hope  for  a  fair  discussion. 
More  than  half  my  readers  will  at  once  pro- 
nounce me  deranged — and  be  disposed  to  throw 
the  book  into  the  fire.  Again,  therefore,  I  say, 
"  strike,  but  hear.5' 


I.  Sacrifice  of  productive  industry. 

To  prove  the  sacrifice  of  productive  industry, 
I  refer  the  reader  to  the  tariffs  of  1789,*  1791, 
1792,  and  1804,  where  he  will  find  that  the  du- 
ties on  seven-eighths  of  the  manufactured  goods 
imported  into  this  country  were  originally  at 
five — then  seven  and  a  half — then  ten — then 
twelve  and  a  half — and  at  length  fifteen  per 
cent,  the  advance  not  the  result  of  the  applica- 
tions of  the  manufacturers  for  protection,  but 
to  meet  the  increasing  demands  of  the  treasury. 
Heuce,  with  every  possible  advantage  of  water 
power,  raw  materials,  machinery,  talents,  enter- 
prize,  industry,  and  capital,  until  the  declaration 
of  war,  three-fourths  of  the  clothing  of  the  in- 
habitants of  all  our  towns  and  cities  were  of  fo- 
reign fabrics — and  the  wealth  of  the  nation  was 
lavished  to  support  foreign  workmen,  and  fo- 

*  See  page  55. 


(    189    ) 

reign  governments,  while  we  had  hundreds, 
nay  thousands  of  citizens  capable  of  supplying 
them,  who  were  driven  in  many  cases  to  servile 
and  far  less  profitable  labour. 

The  experience  of  our  late  war,  and  the  im- 
mense spring  it  gave  to  the  industry  and  ma- 
nufactures of  the  country,  prove  that  one-hall' 
the  protection  afforded  to  the  merchants  in  the 
China  trade  would  have  enabled  our  citizens  to 
have  established  the  cotton  and  woollen  branches 
on  a  liberal  scale,  and  saved  many  millions  of 
dollars  to  the  country  annually.  This  was  unhap- 
pily sacrificed  by  the  system  of  low  duties,  which 
was  advocated  by  the  merchants  and  adopted  by 
congress  to  promote  the  interests  of  commerce. 
Tiie  influence  of  the  former  has  been  success- 
fully  exerted  at  all  times,  to  prevent  prohibitions 
and  prohibitory  duties. 

The  unsoundness  of  the  policy  this  country 
has  pursued,  by  which  it  has  been  virtually 
placed  in  the  situation  of  a  colony  to  Great  Bri- 
tain and  the  other  manufacturing  nations  of 
Europe,  appears  palpable  from  the  following 
considerations : 

So  far  as  respects  the  cotton  and  woollen 
branches,  on  a  large  scale,  we  were  almost  as 
completely  excluded  from  them  by  the  impolicy 
of  our  tariff  until  1812,  as  if  a  law  had  been 
passed  to  render  their  establishment  penal.  This 
declaration  may  surprize — but  is  nevertheless 


(    190    ) 

susceptible  of  proof.  The  two  strong  facts  al- 
ready stated — that  with  all  our  advantages  for 
the  manufacture  of  cotton,  we  consumed  only 
30,000  pounds  in  the  year  1800.  although  we  ex- 
ported about  30,000.000 — and  that  in  1812,  we 
were  so  dependent  on  Europe  for  woollens, 
that  we  had  not  a  supply  of  blankets  for  our 
army,  nor  were  our  manufactories  at  that  time 
in  a  situation  to  make  provision  for  the  emer- 
gency, place  the  matter  beyond  doubt.  He  that 
will  not  be  convinced  by  these  facts,  of  the  ruin- 
ous policy  we  pursued — and  the  wanton  waste 
of  our  resources,  would  not  be  convinced, 
though  one  were  to  rise  from  the  dead. 

The  tariff  of  1789,  which  established  the  five 
per  cent,  duty,  might  as  well  have  had  the  fol- 
lowing preface,  as  the  one  which  was  prefixed 
to  it: 

"  Whereas,  although  this  country  has  become  indepen- 
"  dent  of  Europe  in  its  government,  and  by  its  arms — it  is 
u  expedient  that  it  should  still  continue  in  the  colonial  state, 
"  so  far  as  respects  its  supplies  of  all  the  essential  articles 
"  for  comfort  and  convenience  : 

"  Therefore  be  it  enacted,  &c.  that  the  duties  to  be  levied 
"  on  the  importation  of  manufactures  of  cotton,  wool,  linen, 
"  pottery,  lead,  iron,  steel,  brass,  and  wood,  be  no  more 
"  than  five  per  cent,  ad  valorem." 

However  ludicrous  this  may  appear,  it  only 
gives  body  and  substance  to  the  virtual  effects 
of  the  tariff' 


' 


(    191    ) 

II. 

In  order  to  prove  my  second  position,  I  sub- 
join a  view  of  our  exports  and  imports,  and  a 
statement  of  the  various  species  of  the  former 
for  fifteen  years. 

Our  exports  have  consisted  chiefly  of  four 
different  species  of  articles — 

1.  Necessaries  of  life. 

2.  Raw  materials,  which  we  ourselves  could 
have  manufactured,  and  which  constituted  one- 
fourth  part  of  our  exports. 

3.  Naval  stores,  of  indispensable  necessity 
for  the  nations  which  purchased  them. 

4.  The  luxury  of  tobacco,  which  is  about  one- 
eighth  part  of  the  whole  amount. 

Our  imports  consist  principally  of — 

1.  Tea,  coffee,  wines,  spices,  cocoa,  choco- 
late, almonds,  raisins,  6jc.  which  we  do  not  raise, 
and  which  of  course  do  not  affect  our  national 
industry. 

2.  Spirits,  sugar,  cotton,  indigo,  hemp,  malt, 
lead,  £>c.  which  interfere  with  the  best  interests 
of  our  farmers  and  planters. 

3.  Manufactures  of  cotton,   wool,  leather, 
iron,  Sjc.  £;c.  which  interfere  with  the  interests 
of  our  manufacturers,  and  of  which  we  could, 
by  proper  protection,  supply  ourselves  with  the 
greater  part. 

4.  Luxuries,  which  tend  to  introduce  extra- 
vagance, and  deprave  our  morals. 


(    192    ) 

Domestic  exports  for  fifteen  y  ears  ^  from  1803  to  1817,  itt- 

clusive.* 


Cotton        - 

Vegetable  food 

Lumber,  masts,  &c. 

Tobacco  - 

Animal  food  and  animals 

Dried  salt  fish 

Pickled  fish 

Whale  oil  and  bones 

Spermaceti  oiFand  candles 

Ginseng,  peltry,  &c. 

Naval  stores 

Pearl  and  potashes 

Manufactures 

Uncertain 


Average 


8154,179,117 

192,564,368 

52,796,000 

74,768,000 

34,712,560 

16,915,256 

4,155,419 

2,819,528 

-       1,658,320 

-    8,130,305 

6,579,931 

-  13,990,000 

27,270,000 

4,836,000 

$  595,374,804 
g  39,691,653 


A  cursory  glance  at  our  exports,  will  satisfy 
the  reader,  that  few  nations  have  carried  on 
commerce  to  more  disadvantage,  than  we  have 
done  a  large  portion  of  ours.  We  have  ex- 
changed the  most  valuable  productions  of  na- 
ture in  the  rudest  state,  with  the  least  possible 
degree  of  labour — and  received  in  return  every 
species  of  merchandize  in  its  most  finished 
form — of  which  labour  constituted  two-thirds, 
three-fourths,  and  four-fifths  of  the  value.  This 
more  particularly  applies  to  cotton,  which  wo 


*  Seybert,  146-7. 


have  shipped  at  an  average  of  about  twenty-five 
cents  per  pound,  except  Sea  Island,  and  received 
back  at  an  advance  about  five-fold — thus  enabling 
foreign  nations  to  pay  for  the  whole  crop  with 
one-fifth  part  of  it— and  wantonly  throwing 
away  the  remaining  four-fifths.  And  a  large  por- 
tion of  the  manufacture  being  performed  by  ma- 
chinery, we  have  given  the  labour  of  twenty  or 
thirty  persons  for  one.  Never  was  there  a  sys- 
tem more  admirably  calculated  to  stunt  the 
growth  of  a  nation;  to  destroy  the  effect  of 
the  advantages  bestowed  on  it  by  nature ;  and  to 
render  its  inhabitants  hewers  of  wood  and 
drawers  of  water  to  other  nations. 

One  view  of  this  subject  is  so  appalling,  that 
it  will  make  the  heart  ache  of  every  man  who 
has  any  regard  for  the  real  interests  of  this  coun- 
try, or  a  wish  to  advance  its  wealth,  power,  and 
resources. 

The  increase  by  manufacture  of  the  value  of 
the  raw  material  of  cotton,  was  in  1811,  accord- 
ing to  Colquhoun,  about  five-fold.  Let  us  see  the 
operation  of  this  portion  of  our  commerce  test- 
ed by  that  scale. 

We  exported,  it  appears,  in  fifteen  years,  cot- 
ton to  the  amount  of  S  154,179,117 


This,  according  to  Colquhoun,  produced         S  770,895,585 
Leaving  to  foreign  nations  the  enormous  pro- 
fit of         S  616,716,468 

Or  an  annual  average  of  8  41, 114,431 


(    194    ) 

Two-thirds  of  which  we  might  by  a  sound 
policy  have  retained  among  ourselves. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Great  Britain  de- 
frayed the  whole  expense  of  the  war  against 
us  by  the  profits  she  derived  from  this  single 
article,  in  a  few  preceding  years. 

Thus  our  short-sighted  policy  tends  to  aggran- 
dize, at  our  own  expense,  foreign  nations  with 
which  we  have  had,  and  may  have,  most  peril- 
ous collisions. 

It  now  remains  to  give  a  general  but  concfse 
view  of  the  injurious  effects  produced  by  our 
commerce.  I  shall  confine  myself  to  facts  of  such 
universal  notoriety  as  to  preclude  controversy. 

Commerce  has — 

1.  Carried  away  our  raw  materials,  and  de- 
luged us  with  manufactures,  whereby  millions 
of  capital  invested  in  manufacturing  establish- 
ments have  been  lost — hundreds  of  the  proprie- 
tors ruined — and  thousands  of  workmen  reduc- 
ed to  idleness,  and  exposed  to  the  lures  of  dis- 
sipation and  crime. 

2.  Subjected  us  to  an  expense  for  foreign  in- 
tercourse and  for  the  Barbary  powers  to  the 
amount  of  nearly  12,000,000  of  dollars  in  twenty 
years.* 

3.  Bankrupted  an  immoderate  proportion  of 
those  who  pursued  it. 

*Seybert,  712,  713. 


4.  Caused  a  war,  by  which  there  is  entailed 
on  us  a  heavy  debt  of  nearly  80,000,000  of  dol- 
lars, and  an  annual  interest  of  above  4,700.000 
dollars. 

5.  Rendered  a  navy  necessary,  which  creates 
an  expense  of  above  3,500,000  dollars  for  the 
present  year. 

6.  Given  a  prodigious  spring  to  luxury  and 
extravagance,  by  the  superfluous  articles  it  has 
introduced  among  us. 

7.  Drained  away  the  circulating  medium  of 
the  country,  whereby  every  kind  of  business  is 
paralized,  and  the  nation  impoverished. 

8.  Rendered  us  dependent  on  foreign  nations 
for  many  of  the  comforts,  and  even  some  of 
the  necessaries  of  life. 

That  these  consequences  have  resulted  from 
our  commerce,  I  trust  will  be  admitted.  They 
are  considerable  drawbacks  on  its  advantages, 
which  ought  to  be  immensely  great  to  counter- 
vail them. 

It  behoves  us  then  to  examine  the  extent  and 
value  of  this  commerce,  so  highly  prized  and  so 
dearly  bought. 


III. 

I  now  proceed  to  my  third. point,  to  prove 
that  the  extent  and  advantages  of  our  commerce 
have  been  greatly  overrated. 


(    196    ) 

To  simplify  as  much  as  possible  a  complicat- 
ed subject,  I  shall  consider  the  commerce  of 
the  United  States  under  five  several  heads. 

1.  The  exportation  of  our  superfluous  pro- 
ductions. 

2.  The  importation  of  necessary  supplies. 

3.  The  carrying  trade. 

4.  The  coasting  trade. 

5.  The  shipping. 

The  first  is  beyond  comparison  the  most  im- 
portant. In  it  the  whole  nation  is  deeply  inte- 
rested. Much  of  its  prosperity  depends  on  pro- 
curing suitable  markets  for  its  surplus  produc- 
tions. This  affords  a  strong  stimulus  to  indus- 
try, which  would  otherwise  pine  and  languish. 

To  enable  the  reader  to  judge  correctly 
on  this  subject,  I  annex  a  table  of  our  exports 
from  the  organization  of  the  government.  For 
the  first  six  years  there  was  no  distinction  be- 
tween foreign  and  domestic.  I  have  assumed 
that  there  were  two-fifths  of  the  former,  and 
three-fifths  of  the  latter,  which  is  about  the  aver- 
age proportion  of  the  whole  of  the  subsequent 
period. 


(    197   ) 

Exports  from  the  United  States  from  1790  to  1819,  Inclusive.* 


ITear. 

Domestic. 

Foreign. 

Total. 

1790 

f!2,  123,094 

$8,082,062 

20,205,156 

1791 

•  11,407,225 

47,604,816 

19,012,041 

1792 

••12,451,860 

$8,301,238 

20,753,098 

1793 

•  15,665,744 

$10,443,828 

26,109,572 

1794 

•  19,815,741 

$13,210,492 

33,026,233 

1795 

•  28,793,684 

$19,195,788 

47,989,472 

1796 

40,764,097 

26,300,000 

67,064,097 

1797 

29,850,206 

27,000,000 

56,850,206 

1798 

28,527,097 

33,000,000 

61,527,097 

1799 

33,142,522 

45,523,000 

78,665,522 

1800 

31,840,903 

39,130,877 

70,971,780 

18U1 

47,473,204 

46,642,721 

94,115,925 

18J2 

36,708,189 

35,774,971 

72,483,160 

1803 

42,205,961 

13,594,072 

55,800,033 

1804 

41,467,477 

36,231,597 

77,699,074 

1805 

42,387,002 

53,179,019 

95,566,021 

1806 

41,253,727 

60,283,236 

101,536,963 

1807 

48,699,592 

59,643,558 

108,343,150 

1808 

9,433,546 

12,997,414 

22,430,960 

1809 

31,405,702 

20,797,531 

52,203,233 

1810 

42,366,675 

24,391,295 

66,757,970 

1811 

45,294,043 

16,022,790 

61,316,833 

1812 

30,032,109 

8,495,127 

38,527,236 

1813 

25,008,152 

2,847,845 

27,855,997 

1814 

6,782,272 

145,169 

6,927,441 

1815 

45,974  403 

6,583,350 

52,557^53 

1816 

64,781,896 

17,138,556 

81,920,452 

1817 

68,313,500 

19,358,069 

87,671,569 

1818 

73,854.437 

19,426,696 

93,281,133 

1819 

50,976,838 

19,165,683 

70,142,521 

§1,058,800,898 

g  710,510,800 

£1,769,311,698 

Average 

g  35,293,363 

g  23,503,600 

g  58,977,056 

The  surplus  productions  of  the  United  States, 
the  great  and  legitimate  basis  of  our  foreign  trade, 
are,  as  appears  from  this  table,  far  below  what 
might  have  been  expected  from  the  population, 
and  the  resources  of  the  country.  They  average, 
as  we  see,  only  about  35,000,000  of  dollars,  or 

*  Seybert,  93. 

\  Estimated  at  three-fifths  of  the  whole. 
Estimated  at  two-fifths. 


about  8,000,000  pounds  sterlingper  annum,  from 
the  organization  of  the  government  to  the  close 
of  the  last  year.  The  average  population  of  that 
period  has  been  about  6,500,000  souls.  It  there- 
fore appears  that  we  have  exported  only  about 
five  dollars  and  a  half  per  head  of  our  whole 
population.  This  nearly  corresponds  with  our 
recent  experience. 

During  the  last  five  years  we  exported  of  do- 
mestic productions  about  305,000,000  dollars — 
or  61,000,000  per  annum.  Our  population  dur- 
ing that  period  has  probably  averaged  about 
9,500.000  souls ;  which  gives  an  export  of  only 
six  dollars  and  a  half  per  head. 

It  is  thus  indubitable  that  this  department 
of  our  commerce,  obviously  the  most  im- 
portant, has  been  vastly  overrated,  and  sinks 
into  insignificance,  on  a  comparison  with  our 
domestic  trade,  which,  as  may  be  seen  (page 
158)  is  nearly  fifteen  hundred  per  cent,  be- 
yond it.  The  food  and  drink  of  Philadelphia, 
New  York,  Boston  and  Baltimore,  supposing 
them  to  contain  only  370,000  souls,  at  a  quar- 
ter of  a  dollar  per  head  daily,  amount  to  near- 
ly as  much  as  the  average  of  the  whole  of  our 
domestic  exports! 

370,000  persons  at  a  quarter  of  a  dollar  per 

day,  consume  per  annum       -  $  33,300,000 


(    199    ) 

Yet  there  are  hundreds  and  thousands  of  citi- 
zens of  the  United  States  that  are  unalterably 
convinced  that  the  United  States  owe  all  their 
prosperity,  all  their  improvements,  all  their 
wealth,  to  commerce  ! ! 

I  have  in  vain  sought  for  a  general  statement 
of  our  imports.  It  is  not  to  be  found  either  in 
Seybert  or  Pitkin.  The  former,  however,  gives 
one  for  seven  years,  from  1795  to  1801,  viz. 

1795  -  -  -  869,756,258 

1796  81,436,164 

1797  75,379,406 

1798  68,551,700 

1799  -  79,069,148 

1800  -      -  91,252,768 

1801  ....       111,363,511 


8576,808,935 
Average  -  -  -         882,401,276 


It  is  not  easy  to  calculate  the  amount  of  fo- 
reign goods  consumed  in  this  country.  The 
foreign  exports  for  the  preceding  seven  years 
were  336,792,386  dollars.  Deducted  from  the 
above  sum  of  576,808,935  dollars,  there  is  a 
balance  for  home  consumption  for  that  period, 
of  340,016,549  dollars,  being  an  average  of 
above  48,000,000  dollars.  But  during  this  time 
our  commerce  was  far  more  flourishing  than 
in  other  years.  I  shall,  therefore,  assume  an 


(    200    ) 


average  consumption  of  foreign  merchandize  to 
the  amount  of  40,000,000  per  annum,  which  will 
not  be  regarded  as  far  from  the  fact. 

Dr.  Seybert  has  hazarded  a  calculation,  that 
the  profits  of  navigation,  are  at  the  rate  of  fifty 
dollars  per  ton — and  he  therefore  sets  down  an 
average  annual  profit  of  34,459,350  dollars! 
which  would  amount  to  1,033,780,500  dollars 
in  thirty  years ! 

It  is  easy  to  perceive  how  extravagantly  erro- 
neous this  calculation  must  necessarily  be.  A 
vessel  of  three  hundred  tons  would  make,  by 
freight  alone,  a  profit  to  her  owner  annually  of 
15,000  dollars.  Yet  many  of  our  merchants 
have  had  two,  three,  four,  five,  and  six  vessels 
of  this  size  constantly  employed  for  years — have 
not  lived  extravagantly — and  yet  have  finally 
become  bankrupts. 

Were  the  doctor's  statement  correct,  the  great 
body  of  ship-owners  would  have  become  as 
wealthy  as  Cosmo  de  Medici. 

Ten  per  cent,  is  regarded  as  a  fair  average  of 
the  profits  of  commerce.  For  freight  1  shall  as- 
sume an  equal  sum. 

Hence  is  deduced  the  following  result — 

Average  annual  domestic  exports         -          $  35,293,3(33 
Foreign  goods  consumed  here,  estimated  at    40,000,000 

4  - 

%  75,293,363 


(    201    ) 

Ten  per  cent,  profit  -         -         -          7,529,336 

Add  an  equal  sum  for  profit  on  freight        -       7,529,336 


Total  -  -  $  15,058,672 


The  carrying  trade  is  far  less  important. 
Without  much  participation  in  it,  the  nation 
might  have  enjoyed,  and  may  still  enjoy,  a  most 
enviable  state  of  prosperity.  And  it  will  proba- 
bly appear,  in  summing  up  its  advantages  and 
disadvantages,  during  the  whole  of  our  career, 
that  the  latter  greatly  outweigh  the  former. 

To  form  a  decision  on  this  point,  it  is  ne- 
cessary to  ascertain  its  extent. 

It  consists  of  two  distinct  branches.  In  the  first, 
the  foreign  merchandize  in  tramitu  touches  at 
our  ports.  In  the  second,  the  voyages  are  made 
from  one  foreign  port  to  another. 

Of  the  first  branch  we  have  an  accurate  ac- 
count. The  treasury  returns  distinguish  between 
the  exports  of  foreign  and  domestic  articles. 
But  of  the  second  we  can  only  form  an  esti- 
mate. 

The  foreign  exports  from  the  United  States, 
as  appears  by  the  preceding  table,  have  aver- 
aged 23,683,000  dollars  per  annum  for  thirty 
years. 

It  is  probable  that  the  other  branch  of  the 
carrying  trade  is  about  one-half  this  amount. 
Some  intelligent  merchants  whom  I  have  con- 

26 


suited,  estimate  it  at  from  10  to  i  5,000,000  dol- 
lars annually.  But  to  afford  the  utmost  latitude 
to  the  contrary  side  of  the  question,  I  shall  sup- 
pose it  equal  to  the  other  branch. 

Thus  then  stands  the  account  of  the  carrying 
trade- 
Foreign  exports          -        -  g  23,680,000 
Voyages  from  one  foreign  port  to  another, 

estimated  at  -  23,680,000 


Profit,  ten  per  cent. 

Add  an  equal  profit  for  freight    - 

Total  profit  of  carrying  trade 


$  47,360,000 

$  4,736,000 
-  4,736,000 

$  9,472,000 


Summary. 

Profits  of  trade  in  exports,  and  in  imports  for 
home  consumption 

Of  carrying  trade       -  - 

Coasting  trade,  supposed          -         - 


8  15,058,672 
9,47-,  000 
3,500,000 

$  28,040,672 


These  profits  are  the  utmost  that  can  be 
claimed  on  the  most  liberal  calculation.  But  I 
must  observe  that  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  that 
half  of  them  could  have  ever  accrued;  as 
so  large  a  portion  of  the  merchants  who  are  sup- 
posed to  have  acquired  them,  have  been  reduced 
to  bankruptcy.  This  strong  fact  is  utterly  in- 


{    203    ) 

compatible  with  the  idea  of  such  profits,  and 
I  am  persuaded  would  warrant  a  reduction  of 
fifty  or  sixty  per  cent,  of  the  amount. 

The  offsets  have  been  immense.  Ship- 
wrecks — falling  markets — and  depredations  to 
the  amount  of  probably  one  hundred  millions 
by  the  belligerants,  under  orders  in  council,  de- 
crees, Sjc  The  aggregate  of  all  these  would  pro- 
bably amount  to  thirty  per  cent,  on  the  assumed 
profits. 

But  even  admitting  that  the  whole  sum  of 
twenty-eight  millions  has  been  gained  annually 
by  commerce,  it  is  worth  while  to  consider 
whether  it  has  not  been  like  the  Indian's  gun. 

It  has  cost  us  from  1796  to  1815 — 

For  foreign  intercourse           -                  -  S  9,615,140 

Naval  department       -                   -  52,065,691 

Barbary  powers       -  2,349,568 

War  debt 78,579,022 


§142,609,421* 
Average  per  annum         -  $  7,1 30,471 


The  expenses  chargeable  to  this  account  at 
present,  and  likely  to  continue,  are — 

Interest  on  war  debt  of  S  78,579,022  554,714,741 

Secretary's  estimate  for  the  navy,  182O  3,527,6OO 

%  8,242,381 
*  Seybert,  713. 


(     204    ) 

This  is  above  twenty-five  per  cent,  in  per- 
petuity  on  those  profits  of  commerce,  which  are 
supposed  to  have  accrued  during  the  whole  of 
the  period  in  which  it  had  every  possible  advan- 
tage that  its  warmest  advocates  could  desire.  It 
is  moreover,  nearly  twenty  per  cent,  of  the  whole 
average  amount  of  the  exports  of  the  country 
embracing  the  period  in  which  our  staples  com- 
manded exorbitant  prices,  which  we  are  never 
likely  to  receive  again. 

I  therefore  confidently  rely,  that  those  who 
have  condescended  to  "  hear,"  though  they  may 
have  "  struck,"  will,  however  reluctantly,  ac- 
knowledge that  at  the  touch  of  the  talisman  of 
truth,  the  boasted  advantages  of  commerce  have 
greatly  diminished  in  amount — and  that  it  has 
indubitably  cost  the  country  more  than  it  was 
worth. 

In  taking  an  account  of  the  numerous  off- 
sets— the  collisions  with  the  belligerants — 
the  chief  part  of  the  expense  of  the  navy — our 
war — the  war  debt — and  its  interest,  it  would 
be  unfair  not  to  draw  a  line  of  distinction  be- 
tween the  different  branches  of  commerce. 
That  important  one  which  consists  in  the  ex- 
portation of  our  surplus  productions  and  pro- 
curing necessary  supplies  in  return,  ought  pro- 
bably to  be  exonerated  from  any  portion  of 
these  heavy  items.  It  might  be  carried  on  for  a 
century,  without  producing  any  of  those  conse- 


(    205    ) 

quences.  They  have  sprung  almost  altogether 
from  the  extraneous  trade  in  the  colonial  pro- 
ductions of  the  belligerants,  which  arose  from 
the  general  state  of  warfare  of  Europe,  and 
from  the  cupidity  With  which  it  was  pursued  by 
our  merchants.  If  this  point  of  view  be  correct, 
then  the  account  is  reduced  within  a  narrow 
compass. 

It  may  be  useful  to  hazard  a  calculation 
on  the  present  and  probable  future  profits  of 
commerce,  in  order  more  fully  to  prove  my  po- 
sition, that  it  has  cost  too  dear. 

The  domestic  exports  of  1819,  were  §50,976,838 

Foreign  exports  -  19,165,683 

Foreign  goods  consumed  here,  suppose         -       60,OOO,OOO 

§130,142,521 


As  our  markets  have  stood  lately,  a  profit  of  five 

per  cent,  is  a  large  allowance  6,507,126 

Present  profits  on  freights         -  -  1,000,OOO 

Coasting  trade  .        .        .        .  1,50O,OOO 

S  9,007,126 


Thus  it  appears,  that  for  every  dollar  of  the 
present  gain  of  the  merchants  by  commerce,  the 
nation  at  large  pays  nearly  a  dollar  of  tax  en- 
tailed on  it  by  that  commerce ! 


I  now  invite  the  attention  of  the  reader  to  my 
last  position,  which  is — 


(    206    ) 

IV.  That  the  numerous  bankruptcies  among 
our  merchants  have  chiefly  arisen  from  the  want 
of  protection  to  manufactures. 

That  an  immoderate  number  of  our  mer- 
chants have  been  reduced  to  bankruptcy,  is  uni- 
versally admitted.  The  exact  proportion  can- 
not be  ascertained.  It  has  been  carried  as  high  as 
nine-tenths.  This  I  believe  extravagant.  I  as- 
sume two-thirds,  which  is  supposed  to  be  a  low 
calculation.  It  remains  to  enquire  how  this  ca- 
jfamitous  result  has  taken  place,  under  what  is 
so  generally  sty  led  a  flourishing  state  of  our  com- 
merce. 

Various  causes  have  conspired  to  produce 
this  effect. 

Commerce  in  this  country  has  partaken  of 
the  nature  of  a  lottery.  The  prizes  were  of- 
ten immense,  but  rare — the  blanks  numerous. 
It  has  been  attended  occasionally  with  immo- 
derate profits,  which  have  been  succeeded  by 
great  losses.  The  profits  fostered  a  spirit  of  ex- 
travagance  and  luxury,  which  wasted  all  the 
previous  temporary  advantages,  and  rendered 
the  merchants  unable  to  contend  with  the 
storms  of  adversity. 

But  the  chief  source  of  the  misfortunes  of 
our  merchants  has  been  the  extravagant  num- 
ber of  them — which  has  proceeded  from  the 
ruinous  policy  of  our  tariff,  as  I  hope  to  make 
appear. 


(    207    ) 

Had  the  great,  leading  manufactures  of  cotton, 
wool,  and  iron,  with  some  others,  which  were 
arrested  by  foreign  importation,  been  duly  pro- 
tected,  as  a  sound  policy  dictated,  during  the 
thirty  years  of  the  existence  of  our  government, 
thousands  of  young  men  in  every  part  of  the 
United  States,  who  have  been  brought  up  to  the 
mercantile  profession,  and  increased  its  num- 
bers immoderately,  would  have  been  devoted  to 
those  branches. 

Many  parents  have  destined  their  children  to 
the  pursuit  of  commerce,  merely  for  want  of 
other  suitable  employment,  and  without  either 
the  talents,  the  credit,  or  the  friends  requisite. 
Hence  most  of  our  merchants  have  generally 
had  two  or  three,  and  some  as  many  as  four  ap- 
prentices, who,  when  free,  have  become  super- 
cargoes, or  commenced  a  profession  for  which 
they  were  wholly  incompetent,  and  thus  added 
to  the  long  list  of  bankrupts. 

The  effect  of  this  state  of  things  is,  that 
there  are  probably  more  shipping  and  import- 
ing merchants  in  the  United  States  than  in 
the  British  dominions  in  Europe.  Almost 
every  little  port  from  Passamaquoddy  to  St. 
Mary's,  has  its  body  of  merchants,  and  impor- 
ters, more  or  less  numerous,  who  are  con- 
stantly supplanting  each  other  in  the  home  and 
foreign  markets,  to  their  mutual  ruin.  The  West 
Indies  have  thus  proved  the  grave  of  the  for- 


(    208    ) 


tunes  and  happiness  of  half  the  merchants  that 
have  carried  on  trade  with  them.  The  trade  to 
that  quarter  affords  neither  certainty  nor  secu- 
rity; as  the  prices  are  constantly  fluctuating. 
The  markets  are  either  overstocked,  or  visited 
by  a  dearth.  When  the  latter  takes  place,  prices 
rise  extravagantly.  Intelligence  arrives  in  this 
country.  Our  markets  are  crowded  with  ship- 
pers, who  outbid  each  other,  and  raise  the  prices. 
Vessels  are  dispatched  from  all  our  ports, 
with  full  cargoes.  The  first,  perhaps  the  second 
or  third,  is  sold  at  a  great  profit.  The  glut 
sinks  the  price,  and  all  the  remainder  sell  at  and 
often  far  below  cost.  The  business  is  almost 
wholly  a  lottery,  or  species  of  gambling.  Regu- 
lar commerce  disclaims  it  altogether. 

The  price  of  flour  in  the  West  Indies  fre- 
quently rises,  and  as  frequently  falls  to  the 
amount  of  three,  four,  five  and  six  dollars  per 
barrel,  in  the  course  of  two,  three,  or  four 
weeks.  Hence  the  merchant  whose  vessel  sails  at 
the  rate  of  nine  knots  an  hour,  often  makes  a  for- 
tune— while  his  less  fortunate  neighbour,  whose 
rate  of  sailing  is  only  eight  knots,  is  ruined. 

Thus  the  inordinate  competition  at  home  and 
abroad,  has  produced  the  effect  of  obliging  the 
merchants  to  buy  our  staples  dear  and  sell  them 
cheap.  The  competition  likewise  operates  ruin- 
ously inthe  purchase  of  return  cargoes,  the  prices 
being  thereby  greatly  enhanced.  These  are  among 


(    209    ) 

the  most  striking  causes  of  the  ruin  of  so  large  a 
portion  of  fie  mercantile  class,  and  have  obvi- 
ously resulted  chiefly,  if  not  altogether,  from  the 
depression  of  manufactures. 

I  offer  a  calculation  on  the  subject,  which, 
even  if  somewhat  erroneous,  may  prove  useful. 

Suppose  the  whole  number  of  merchants  iu 
the  United  States,  since  the  year  1789,  to  have 
averaged  constantly  18,000 — and  that  two- 
thirds  of  them  have  failed.  Had  manufacturing 
establishments  been  properly  patronized,  there 
probably  would  not  have  been  more  than  12,000; 
to  the  mass  of  whom  the  profession  would  have 
afforded  a  decent  subsistence.  In  this  case,  it  is 
probable  that  the  bankruptcies  would  not  have 
exceeded  2,000.  Of  course,  10,000  would  have 
prospered  out  of  12,000  ;  whereas,  only  6,000 
have  succeeded  out  of  18,000.  Whatever  deduc- 
tion from,  or  addition  to,  this  calculation,  may 
be  made,  the  inference  cannot  fail  to  be  highly- 
favourable  to  the  general  scope  of  my  argument, 
and  to  pronounce  a  strong  sentence  of  condem- 
nation on  the  ruinous  policy  this  nation  has  pur- 
sued. 

Another  view  may  be  taken  of  the  subject. 

It  appears  that  a  large  portion  of  our  com- 
merce consists  in  the  transportation  of  the  mer- 
chandize and  manufactures  of  other  nations  from 
the  places  of  production  to  this  country,  and 
hence  to  those  of  consumption  respectively. 


(    £10    ) 


But  might  not  our  merchants  employ  themselves 
as  well  in  lending  facilities  to  the  industry  of 
their  fellow  citizens,  as  to  that  of  foreign  nations  ? 
Would  not  broadcloths  from  Young's,  or  Du- 
pont's,  or  Sheppard's  manufactories— or  shirt- 
ings and  sheetings  from  Schenck's  or  from  Wal- 
tham,  load  a  vessel  as  well,  and  pay  as  good  a 
freight,  as  from  Leeds  or  Manchester  ?  Would  it 
not  be  at  least  as  profitable  to  themselves,  and  as 
useful  to  their  fellow  citizens  and  to  their  coun- 
try, to  export  cargoes  of  home-made  goods  to 
South  America,  and  import  specie,  as  to  de- 
luge their  native  country  with  foreign  goods, 
drain  it  of  its  specie,  and  destroy  its  productive 
industry  ? 

As  1  believe  that  the  want  of  correct  views 
on  this  point  has  been  among  the  primary 
causes  of  the  present  distresses  of  the  country, 
I  hope  to  be  pardoned  for  once  more  presenting 
it  to  the  reader.  The  idea  that  the  want  of  pro- 
tection to  manufactures  has  proved  highly  perni- 
cious to  the  merchants,  by  an  undue  increase  of 
their  numbers,  will  appear  plain  to  those  who 
reflect,  that,  when  by  the  restrictive  system,  and 
the  war,  there  was  a  market  open  for,  and  pro- 
tection afforded  to,  domestic  manufactures,  great 
numbers  of  respectable  merchants,  in  all  our 
cities,  devoted  their  time,  their  talents,  and  their 
capital  to  the  cotton  and  woollen  branches,  very 
advantageously  for  themselves  and  for  the  court- 


(  *"   ) 

try,  while  this  protection  continued — but  ulti- 
mately to  the  ruin  of  many  of  them.  It  is  obvious 
that  the  inducements  to  commence  a  career  in 
manufacturing  are  greater  than  to  quit  another 
business, and  enter  on  this  at  an  advanced  period 
of  life.  And  therefore  I  think  it  irresistibly  fol- 
lows, that  the  successful  opposition  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  manufactures  has  been  the  great 
cause  of  the  superabundance  of  merchants, 
and  that  from  this  superabundance  has  flowed 
the  bankruptcy  of  so  large  a  proportion  of  them. 
It  is  frequently  asserted,  that  though  so  many 
of  the  merchants  have  been  reduced  to  bank- 
ruptcy, the  country  has  gained  even  by  their 
ruin.  This  doctrine,  which  I  have  tried  to 
develope,  I  do  not  understand.  Let  us  investi- 
gate it. 

Suppose  a  farmer  to  sell  5000  bushels  of 
wheat  at  two  dollars  per  bushel.  The  miller 
grinds  it — pays  the  farmer,  and  sells  the  flour  to 
the  merchant,  who  sells  to  the  shipper.  The  lat- 
ter becomes  bankrupt,  and  pays  three,  five,  or 
ten  shillings  in  the  pound,  as  the  case  may  be. 
Of  course  the  flour  merchant  suffers  a  heavy 
loss.  I  cannot  see  how,  from  a  transaction  of 
this  kind,  which  is  an  epitome  of  a  large  propor- 
tion of  our  mercantile  business  for  years  past, 
the  country  can  be  said  to  have  gained.  Money, 
it  is  true,  is  put  into  the  pocket  of  one  man,  but 
it  is  withdrawn  from  the  pocket  of  another. 
There  is  no  increase  of  the  national  wealth. 


(    SIS    ) 

Having  in  this  chapter  taken  ground  wholly 
new,  with  no  former  lights  to  illuminate  my 
path,  I  may  have  occasionally  wandered  into  er- 
ror. But  I  trust  the  wandering,  whatever  it  may 
have  heen,  has  not  led  me  far  astray — and  that 
the  positions  1  have  assumed,  and  the  inferences 
I  have  deduced,  if  not  wholly  right,  are  not 
materially  wrong. 


I 


CHAPTER  XVL 

Fostering  care  of  commerce  by  congress.  Mo- 
nopoly of  the  coasting  and  China  trade  secured 
to  our  merchants  from  the  year  1789.  Revolt- 
ing partiality.  Wonderful  increase  of  tonnage. 
Act  on  the  subject  of  plaster  of  Paris.  Law  level- 
led against  the  British  navigation  act.  Rapidity 
of  legislation. 

THE  records  of  American  legislation  bear  the 
most  satisfactory  testimony  of  the  transcendent 
influence  of  the  mercantile  interest,  and  of  the 
unceasing  exertions  made  to  fence  it  round 
with  every  species  of  protection  the  government 
could  bestow.  No  fond  mother  ever  indulged  a 
beloved  child  more  than  congress  has  indulged 
commerce — attended  to  all  its  complaints — and 
redressed  all  its  wrongs. 

My  limits  forbid  a  detail  of  the  great  va- 
riety of  acts  passed  for  the  exclusive  benefit  of 
commerce,  with  which  the  statute  book  abounds. 
I  shall  confine  myself  to  a  few  of  the  most 
prominent  and  important. 

I.  The  second  act  passed  by  the  first  con- 
gress contained  clauses  which  secured  to  the 
tonnage  of  our  merchants,  a  monopoly  of  the 


whole  of  the  China  trade — and  gave  them  para- 
mount advantages  in  all  the  other  foreign  trade. 
The  duties  on  teas  were  as  follow : 


In  American 
vessels. 

In  foreign 
vessels. 

Bohea  teas 
Souchong  and  other 
Hyson  teas 
All  other  green  teas 

-     per  Ib. 
black  teas     - 

Cts.  9 
10 
20 
12 

Cts.  15 
22 
45 
27 

The  annals  of  legislation  furnish  no  instance 
of  grosser  or  more  revolting  partiality  than  is 
displayed  in  this  act,  which  established  the  first 
tariff.  A  pound  of  hyson  tea,  which  cost  fifty- 
six  cents,  imported  in  a  foreign,  paid  twenty- 
jive  cents  more  duty  than  in  an  American  vessel. 
Whereas  a  yard  of  broad  cloth,  or  two  yards  of 
silk,  cambric,  or  muslin,  value  five  dollars,  paid 
but  twenty-five  cents,  all  together,  or  five  per 
cent.  Thus  the  foreign  ship-owner  was  at  once 
shut  out  of  our  ports,  beyond  the  power  of  com- 
petition, for  the  benefit  of  the  American  mer- 
chant ;  whereas  the  foreign  manufacturer  was 
invited  in  by  a  low  duty :  and  the  possibility  oi? 
competition  on  the  part  of  the  American  manu- 
facturer wholly  precluded  !  Let  me  not  be  mis- 
understood, as  if  I  regarded  as  incorrect  the  de- 
cided preference  given  to  the  American  mer- 
chant. By  no  means.  My  object  is  to  point  out; 
the  immense  inequality  of  the  treatment  of  the 
two  bodies  of  men,  which,  to  the  great  discredit. 


of  our  legislation,  and  the  incalculable  injury  of 
our  country,  as  I  hope  I  have  proved  in  the  pre- 
ceding chapter,  runs  through  our  statute  book. 
This  is  a  digression,  which  the  occasion  called 
for.  I  return. 

II.  The  same  act  gave  our  merchants  an  addi- 
tional decisive  advantage,  by  allowing  a  discount 
of  ten  per  cent,  on  the  duties  upon  goods  im- 
ported in  American  vessels. 

III.  Such  was  the  fostering  care  bestowed  on 
the  mercantile  interest,,  that  the  third  act  was 
directed  wholly  for  their  security.    By  this  act 
the  tonnage  duty  on  vessels  belonging  to  Ame- 
rican citizens  was  fixed  at  six  cents  per  ton  ;  on 
American  built  vessels,  owned  wholly  or  in  part 
by  foreigners,  thirty  cents  ;  and  on  all  other  fo- 
reign vessels,  fifty  cents. 

IV.  In  order  to  exclude  foreign,  vessels  from 
the  coasting  trade,  they  were  subjected  to  a 
tonnage  duty  of  fifty  cents  per  ton  for  every 
voyage ;  whereas,  our  vessels  paid  but  six  cents, 
and  only  once  a  year. 

These  four  features  of  decisive  protection, 
were  enacted  in  a  single  session,  the  first 
under  the  new  government.  They  placed  the 
mercantile  interest  on  high  ground,  and  gave 
it  overwhelming  advantages  over  foreign  com- 
petitors. In  fact,  they  almost  altogether  de- 
stroyed competition.  I  shall  state  their  effects 
at  the  close  of  this  chapter. 


(   216    ) 

It  is  not  difficult  to  account  for  this  parental 
care.  The  mercantile  interest  was  ably  repre- 
sented in  the  first  congress.  It  carried  the  elec- 
tions pretty  generally  in  the  seaport  towns,  and 
had  made  a  judicious  selection  of  candidates. 
Philadelphia  was  represented  in  the  senate  by 
Robert  Morris,  and  in  the  house  of  representa- 
tives by  Thomas  Fitzsimons  and  George  Cly- 
mer,  three  gentlemen  of  considerable  talents, 
and  great  influence.  The  representation  in  con- 
gress was  divided  almost  wholly  between  far- 
mers, planters,  and  merchants.  The  manu- 
facturing interest  was,  I  believe,  unrepre- 
sented; or  if  it  had  a  few  representatives,  they 
were  not  distinguished  men,  and  had  little  or  no 
influence. 

The  tariff  bears  the  most  unequivocal  marks 
of  this  state  of  things.  Agriculture  and  com- 
merce engrossed  nearly  the  whole  attention 
of  congress.  Their  interests  were  well  guard- 
ed. Manufactures,  as  may  be  seen,  (page  55) 
were  abandoned  to  an  unequal  conflict  with  fo- 
reign rivalship,  which  consigned  a  large  por- 
tion of  them  to  ruin. 

V.  (817.  An  act  imposing  two  dollars  per 
ton  on  all  foreign  vessels  arriving  from  ports  to 
which  American  vessels  are  not  allowed  to  trade. 

I  have  shewn  the  revolting  neglect  with  which 
the  applications  of  the  manufacturers  were  treat- 
ed, so  highly  discreditable  to  congress.  It  now 


(   217   ) 

remains  to  contrast  this  procedure  with  the  kind 
attention  and  fostering  care  bestowed  on  the 
merchants,  and  the  rapidity  of  motion  in  their 
concerns. 

On  the  29th  of  July,  1816,  the  governor  of 
Nova  Scotia,  by  proclamation,  announced  the 
royal  assent  to  an  art  of  the  legislature  of  that 
province,  whereby  the  trade  in  Plaster  of  Paris 
was  intended  to  be  secured  to  British  or  colo- 
nial vessels. 

To  counteract  this  insidious  measure,  Mr. 
Rufus  King,  on  the  17th  February,  181 7,  mov- 
ed in  the  house  of  representatives  of  the  Uni- 
ted States,  "that  the  committee  on  foreign  re- 
lations be  instructed  to  report  such  measures  as 
they  may  judge  necessary  to  regulate  the  im- 
portation of  Plaster  of  Paris,  and  to  countervail 
the  regulations  of  any  other  nation,  injurious  to 
our  own,  relating  to  that  trade." 

In  four  days  afterwards,  viz.  on  the  21st,  Mr. 
Forsyth,  chairman  of  that  committee,  reported 
a  bill  to  regulate  the  trade  in  Plaster  of  Paris, 
which  was  read  the  first  and  second  time  on 
that  day,  and  the  third  on  the  3d  of  March. 
The  yeas  and  nays  were  called,  and  it  was  pas- 
sed by  a  majority  of  eighty  to  thirty-nine.  It 
was  then  sent  to  the  senate ;  there  read  three 
times  on  the  same  day,  and  passed  with  some 
amendments — then  returned  to  the  house  of 
representatives,  who  concurred  in  the  amend- 

38 


(    318    ) 

ments,  and  finally  passed  the  bill.  Thus  it  was 
actually  read  four  times,  amended,  and  passed  in 
one  day — a  case  probably  without  example.  It 
was  only  fourteen  days  from  its  inception  to  its 
approbation  by  the  president. 

Let  it  be  observed  further,  that  the  hostile 
measure  which  called  forth  this  spirited  act. 
was  only  about  seven  months  and  a  half  in  ex- 
istence, when  it  was  thus  decisively  counter- 
acted. What  a  contrast  between  this  celerity  of 
operation  and  the  lame  policy  observed  towards 
manufactures ! 

The  all-important  act  prohibiting  the  entry 
into  our  ports  of  British  vessels  arriving  from 
places  from  which  American  vessels  are  ex- 
cluded, was  reported  and  twice  read  in  senate 
on  the  1st  of  April,  1818.  On  the  4th  it  was 
read  the  third  time,  and  passed.  On  the  same 
day  it  was  read  twice  in  the  house  of  represen- 
tatives. On  the  llth  it  was  read  a  third  time, 
and  passed.  On  the  16th  it  was  presented  to 
the  president — and  approved  by  him  on  the 
18th. 

Let  any  man,  however  hostile  to  manufac- 
tures or  manufacturers,  compare  the  progress 
of  these  two  bills,  involving  such  important  prin- 
ciples, particularly  the  latter,  with  the  snail's 
pace  of  any  bill  for  the  relief  of  manufacturers, 
and  he  will  be  obliged  to  confess  that  congress 
is  actuated  by  a  very  different  spirit  towards  the 


(    819    ) 

two  different  descriptions  of  citizens.  Both  acts 
are  manly  and  dignified,  and  worthy  of  the  legis- 
lature of  a  great  nation,  determined  to  assert  a 
reciprocity  of  advantage  in  its  intercourse  with 
foreign  nations.  The  latter  is  an  attempt  to  up- 
root  the  British  navigation  act,  in  one  of  its 
most  important  features,  to  which  that  nation  is 
most  devotedly  attached.  Considering  its  magni- 
tude and  importance,  it  may  be  justly  doubted 
whether  it  was  not  too  precipitately  passed.  It 
was  only  four  days  on  its  passage  in  the  senate 
— and  eight  in  the  house  of  representatives.  Be 
this,  however,  as  it  may,  my  present  object  is  only 
once  more  to  place  in  contrast  the  paternal  care 
of  commerce  and  the  frigid  and  withering  indif- 
ference, not  to  say  hostility,  towards  manufac- 
tures, displayed  in  that  body,  which  ought  to 
"look  with  equal  eye"  upon,  and  to  dispense 
equal  justice  to,  all  classes  of  citizens. 

And  to  close  the  catalogue,  a  bill  for  the  pro- 
tection of  commerce  is  now  before  congress, 
and  not  likely  to  meet  with  much  opposition, 
which  cannot  fail  to  affect  the  agricultural 
interest  severely,  by  very  materially  abridging  the 
markets  for  their  productions.  It  is  calculated 
to  effect  the  object  of  the  last  mentioned  act, 
which  has  failed  to  answer  the  purpose  in- 
tended. 

More  detail  is  unnecessary.  The  position  is 
fully  established,  that  commerce  has  steadily 


(    220    ) 

enjoyed  all  the  protection  the  government  could 
afford.  Every  hostile  movement  on  the  part 
of  foreign  nations,  to  the  injury  of  our  mer- 
chants, has  been  decidedly  met  and  counter- 
acted. 

The  consequence  of  this  system  has  been  to 
insure  our  merchants — 

I.  The  whole  of  the  coasting  trade,  amounting 
to  400,000  tons  per  annum. 

II.  Eighty-six  per  cent,  of  the  tonnage  en- 
gaged in  the  foreign  trade,  viz. 

Total  tonnage  in  the  foreign  trade  for  twenty- 
two  years,   from    1796  to  1817,    -         -  tons  18,201,541 
Of  which  there  was   American         15,741,632 
Foreign  2,458,909 

18,201,541 

And  III.  An  increase  of  tonnage  unexampled 
in  the  history  of  navigation  : — 

Tonnage  of  the  United  States. 

Tons. 
In  1804   -  -   1,042,402 

1805  -  -  -  1,140,366 

1806  -  -   1,207,733 

1807  -  -  -  1,268,545 

1808  -  -   1,242,443 

1809  -  -  -  1,350,178 

1810  -  -   1,442,781 

1811  -  -  -  1,232,502 

1812  -  -   1,269,997 


In  1789 

ions* 
-  -  -   201,562 

1790 

-  -  -  478,377 

1792 

...  564,437 

1794 

-  -  -  628,816 

1796 

-  -  -   841,700 

1798 

-  -  -  898,428 

1801 

-  -  -  1,033,218 

1802 

-  -    892,102 

J803 

-  -  -  949,171 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Erroneous  views  of  the  tariff.  Protection  of  Agri- 
culture in  1789.  Prostrate  state  of  the  staples 
of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia.  Ni?iety  per 
cent,  on  snuff,  and  one  hundred  on  tobacco. 
Striking  contrast.  Abandonment  of  manufac- 
tures. 

THE  farmers  and  planters  of  the  United  States 
are  under  a  strong  impression — 

I.  That  the  tariff  affords  a  decided  protection 
to  the  manufacturers. 

II.  That  it  operates  as  a  "  heavy  tax  on  the 
many  for  the  benefit  of  the  few." 

And  III.  That  there  is  no  reciprocity  in  the 
case — as  agriculture  is  not  protected. 

That  the  first  position  is  radically  erroneous, 
is  self-evident  from  the  lamentable  situation  of 
so  large  a  proportion  of  the  manufactures  and 
manufacturers  of  the  United  States,  on  which 
I  have  already  sufficiently  descanted. 

The  second  is  disproved  in  the  eleventh 
chapter. 

To  the  discussion  of  the  third,  I  devote  the 
present  one. 


There  are  not  many  of  the  productions  of 
agriculture  .which  require  protection,  as  there 
are  few  of  them  that  are  imported.  Their  bulk, 
in  general,  and  the  consequent  expense  of 
freight,  afford  them  tolerable  security.  But  such 
as  are  imported,  or  likely  to  be,  have  been  sub- 
ject to  high  duties  from  the  commencement  of 
the  government  to  the  present  time. 

The  products  of  the  earth  imported  into  the 
United  States  do  not  much  extend  beyond  hemp, 
cotton,  malt,  tobacco,  cheese,  indigo,  coals  and 
potatoes,  which,  by  the  tariff  of  1789,  were  sub- 
ject to  the  following  duties. 

Cents. 

Hemp  -  -  per  cwt.  6O 
Malt  -  -  -  per  bushel  1O 
Coals  -  -  do.  2 

Cheese     -     -  per  Ib.  4 

Manufactured  tobacco  do.  6 

The  duty  on  cheese  was  equal  to  fifty-seven 
per  cent. ;  on 

Indigo  about  sixteen  ;  on 

Snuff,  ninety ;  on 

Tobacco,  one  hundred ;  on 

Coals  about  fifteen  per  cent. 

The  duty  on  the  raw  materials,  hemp  and 

cotton,  demand  particular  attention.  They  were 

•about  twelve  per  cent. — imposed,  in  compliance 

with  the  suggestions  of  Mr.  Burke,  to  aid  the 

agriculturists  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia, 


Cents. 

Snuff      - 
Indigo 
Cotton    - 

-     -     perlb.   10 
-     -     -     do.       16 
do.        3 

Potatoes 

-     -    per  cent.     5 

(  223   ) 

because  they  hoped  to  be  able  to  raise  those  ar- 
ticles. 

South  Carolina  and  Georgia  at  that  period 
were  at  a  very  low  ebb.  Their  great  staples,  rice 
and  indigo,  had  greatly  sunk  in  price — and  they 
had  not  as  yet  entered  on  the  culture  of  cotton. 

JEdanus  Burke,  in  a  debate  on  the  tariff,  on 
the  16th  April,  1789,  to  induce  the  house  to  lay 
a  considerable  duty  on  hemp  and  cotton,  gave  a 
melancholy  picture  of  the  situation  of  those 
states— 

"  The  staple  products  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia," 
he  observed,  u  were  hardly  worth  cultivation,  on  account 
"  of  their  fall  in  price.  The  lands  were  certainly  well 
"  adapted  to  the  growth  of  hemp:  and  he  had  no  doubt  but 
"  its  culture  would  be  practised  with  attention.  Cotton  way 
u  likewise  in  contemplation  among-  them :  and  if  good  seed 
"  could  be  procured,  HE  HOPED  MIGHT  SUCCEED!!  But  the 
u  low  strong  rice  lands  would  produce  hemp  in  abundance, 
"  many  thousand  tons  even  this  year,  if  it  was  not  so  late 
"  in  the  season."* 

In  a  debate  on  the  same  subject,  Mr.  Tucker, 
another  of  the  representatives  from  that  state,  re- 
echoed the  plaintive  strains  of  his  colleague : — 

"  The  situation  of  South  Carolina  was  melancholy. 
Lt  While  the  inhabitants  were  deeply  in  debt,  the  produce  of 
"  the  state  -was  daily  falling  in  price.  Rice  and  indigo  were 
u  become  so  low,  as  to  be  considered  by  many  not  objects 
"  worthy  of  cultivation.  Gentlemen"  he  added,  "  will 
"  consider  that  it  is  not  an  easy  thing  for  a  planter  to  change 

*  Debates  of  Congress,  vol.  I.  p.  f9. 


"  his  whole  system  of  husbandry  in  a  moment.  But  accu- 
"  mulated  burdens  will  drive  to  this,  and  increase  their  em- 
"  barrassments."* 

The  duty  on  manufactured  tobacco  was  in- 
tended  to  operate  as  an  absolute  prohibition — 
and  was  liberally  proposed  with  this  view 
by  Mr.  Sherman,  a  representative  from  Con- 
necticut. 

"  Mr.  Sherman  moved  six  cents  per  pound  on  manufac- 
"  tured  tobacco  ;  as  he  thought  the  duty  ought  to  amount  to 
"  a  prohibition"] 

While  these  high  duties  were  imposed  upon 
such  of  the  productions  of  the  farmer  and  plan- 
ter, as  were  likely  to  be  imported,  all  the  great 
leading  articles  of  manufactures,  as  may  be  seen, 
(page  56,)  were  subject  to  only  five  percent. ! !  ! 

A  striking  contrast  in  the  tariff  or  1789. 

Per  cent. 

Woollens     -----  5 

Cottons     -----  .> 

Pottery        -----  ,? 

Linen       ------  J 

Manufactures  of  iron     -  5 

lead  -     -  $ 

copper  -  5 


Per  cent. 

Snuff 90 

Tobacco      -.-.-.-      100 
Indigo       -----     16 

Coals 15 

Cotton 12 

Hemp 12 


In  the  last  chapter,  I  gave  a  sketch  of  the  fos- 
tering care  of  commerce:  Here  we  see  in  the 
very  outset  of  the  government  the  same  care 


*  Idem,  70, 


f  Idem,  93. 


extended  to  agriculture,  and  an  equal  degree  of 
neglect  of  manufactures — the  germ  of  that  cruel 
and  withering  system,  which  has,  I  repeat,  placed 
this  country  nearly  in  the  state  of  a  colony  to 
the  manufacturing  nations  of  Europe — which, 
without  expending  a  single  cent  for  our  protec- 
tion, have  enjoyed  more  benefits  from  our  com- 
merce than  ever  were  enjoyed  by  the  mother 
country,  during  the  colonial  state  of  this  conti- 
nent— and  more  benefits  than  any  nation  ever 
enjoyed  from  colonies,  except  Spain.  Perhaps 
even  this  exception  is  superfluous. 

In  1790,  the  tariff  was  altered,  when  indigo 
was  raised  to  twenty-five  cents  per  pound,  and 
coals  to  three  cents  per  bushel. 

In  1792,  it  was  again  altered,  and  hemp  raised 
to  twenty  dollars  per  ton,  and  coals  to  four  and 
a  half  cents  per  bushel. 

This  was  about  twenty  per  cent,  on  hemp,  and 
twenty-five  on  coals- — whereas  the  leading  ma- 
nufactures of  cotton,  wool,  leather,  steel,  brass, 
iron,  and  copper,  were  only  raised  to  seven  and 
a  half  per  cent. 

Passing  over  the  intermediate  alterations  of 
the  tariff,  which 'all  bear  the  same  stamp,  I  shall 
notice  the  protection  afforded  at  present  to  those 
agricultural  articles  usually  imported. 


(    226    ) 


Price.* 

Rate  of 
duty. 

Duty. 
Per  cent. 

Hemp,  per  ton  -     -     -    - 

S  114.00 

8  30.00 

26 

Cotton,  per  Ib.     -     -     -     - 

.10 

.3 

30 

Cheese  in  Holland      -     - 

.10 

.9 

90 

Coals,  per  bushel       -     - 

.13 

.5 

38£ 

Snuff,  average  per  Ib.    -     - 

.16 

.12 

75 

Manufactured  tobacco     - 

.10 

.10 

100 

Segars  per  M      -     -     -     - 

5.00 

2.50 

50 

Geneva,  per  gallon 

.42 

.42 

100 

Jamaica  rum        do. 

.70 

.48 

68 

Brown  sugar,  per  Ib.     -     - 

.8 

.3 

37-} 

All  the  other  productions  of  agriculture  are 
subject  to  fifteen  per  cent,  duty  ;  which,  be  it  ob- 
served, is  the  same  as  on  more  than  half  the 
manufactures  imported  into  this  country. 

We  find  the  staple  article  of  South  Carolina 
and  Georgia,  of  which  the  freight  is  about  thirty 
per  cent,  secured  by  thirty  per  cent,  duty — the 
staple  of  Virginia  by  seventy -five,  and  one  hun- 
dred—and the  peach  brandy  and  whiskey,  of 
the  farmers  generally,  by  sixty-eight  and  one 
hundred,  while  the  cotton  and  woollen  branches 
are  exposed  to  destruction,  and  have  been 
in  a  great  measure  destroyed,  for  want  of  a 
duty  of  forty -five  or  fifty  per  cent. ! ! ! 

To  display  the  monstrous  partiality  of  this 
procedure — I  shall  contrast  the  duty  and  freight; 
of  a  few  articles  of  both  descriptions— 


At  the  places  of  exportation  respectively. 


Until 

FrHght 

Duty. 

Freight. 

Per  c>. 

Perct. 

Total 

Per  ct. 

Per  ct. 

Total 

Hemp     -     - 
Cotton 

26 
30 

24 
30 

50 
60 

Cotton  stockings 
Cambrics     -    - 

25 
25 

2 

2 

28 

27 

Cheese  -     - 

90 

15 

105 

Superfine  cloth  - 

25 

2 

27 

(Geneva     - 

100 

10 

110 

Silks    .... 

15 

1 

16 

Rum     -     . 

68 

10 

78 

Woollen  stockings 

20 

2 

22 

Sn.;ir      -     - 

75 

5 

80 

Thread  stockings 

15 

2 

17 

1  o'iKlCCO    - 

100 

5 

105 

<;  old  leaf    -     - 

15 

1 

16 

Coals      -     - 

38} 

12 

50J 

Linens     ... 

15 

2 

17 

Sugar  -     . 

37* 

6 

4JA 

It  is  hardly  possible  to  conceive  of  a  more 
revolting  arrangement — or  one  that  more  com- 
pletely violates  the  holy,  the  golden  rule — 

"  All  things  whatsoever  ye  would  that  men  should  do  to 
"  you,  do  you  even  so  to  them." 

Now,  in  the  face  of  this  nation,  I  venture  to 
ask,  is  there  a  respectable  man  in  society,  who 
considers  the  above  items,  and  will  not  allow 
that  the  protection  of  agriculture  is  incompara- 
bly more  complete,  than  of  manufactures? 

And  yet,  wonderful  to  tell,  the  extravagant 
protection  bestowed  on  the  manufacturers,  and 
the  want  of  protection  to  agriculturists — the  insa- 
tiable appetite  of  the  former,  and  the  liberality 
and  disinterestedness  of  the  latter,  are  preached 
in  long-winded  speeches  in,  and  memorials  to, 
congress,  and  as  long-winded  newspaper  essays, 
and  are  received  as  sacred  and  undeniable. 


(    S28    ) 


Another  contrast. 


Potatoes 
Butter 
Flour    - 
Malt 
Onions 


Duty. 
Per  cent. 
-     15 
15 
15 
15 
-    15 


Watches     - 
Jewelry 
Inkpowder 
Printed  books 
Worsted  shoes 


Tobacco  in  the  leaf     -      15      Linens  and  silks 


Duty. 
Per  cent. 


15 
15 
15 
15 


Potatoes  and  tobacco — linens,  silks,  and  print- 
ed books — subject  to  the  same  duty  !  What  won- 
derful  talents  this  tariff  displays !  How  admira- 
bly it  corroborates  the  fond  "  day  dreams"  in 
which  we  indulge  ourselves,  of  our  immense 
superiority  over  the  benighted  Europeans,  who, 
mirabile  dictu,  according  to  Judge  Story,  are 
studying  lessons  of  political  economy  under 
congress — 

"The  statesmen  of  the  old  world,  in  admiration  of  the 
"success  of our  policy ,  are  relaxing  the  rigour  of  their  own 
"  systems ! !" 

So  says  the  celebrated  Salem  memorial,  edit- 
ed, according  to  public  fame,  by  this  learned 
judge. 

Objections  have  been  made  to  the  classi- 
fication of  manufactured  tobacco  and  snuff 
among  the  articles  dutied  for  the  benefit  of  agri- 
culture; as  they  fall  under  the  denomination  of 
manufactures.  They  are,  it  is  true,  manufactures. 
But  that  they  are  so  extravagantly  taxed,  is  not 


(    229    ) 

from  any  partiality  towards  the  manufacturers 
of  them — but  to  protect  the  planters.  It  requires 
no  moderate  share  of  modesty  to  assert,  and 
of  credulity  to  believe,  that  regard  for  the  ma- 
nufacturers leads  to  lay  a  duty  of  one  hundred 
percent,  on  manufactured  tobacco,  when  for  five 
years  the  manufacturers  of  woollens  and  cottons 
have  in  vain  implored  to  have  the  duty  on  super- 
fine cloth,  muslins,  and  cambrics,  raised  beyond 
twenty-five  per  cent.  Even  the  Jew  Apella, 
capacious  as  was  his  gullet,  would  not  be  able 
id  swallow  this  fiction. 

I  wish  it  distinctly  understood,  that  as  the 
prices  of  hemp,  Geneva,  rum,  coals,  6jc.  are  sub- 
ject to  frequent  fluctuations  in  foreign  markets,  I 
do  not  pretend  to  vouch  for  the  critical  exactness 
at  the  present  time,  of  the  preceding  quotations. 
I  have  collected  my  information  from  merchants 
of  character,  on  whom  reliance  may  be  placed, 
and  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  it  is  sub- 
stantially correct. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

An  awful  contrast.  Distress  in  Great  Britain, 
because  she  cannot  engross  the  supply  of  the 
world.  Distress  in  the  United  States,  because 
the  home  market  is  inundated  with  rival  ma- 
nufactures. 

THIS  shall  be  a  short  chapter.  But  I  hope 
it  will  make  a  deep  and  lasting  impression. 
The  subject  is  of  vital  importance. 

I  have  drawn  several  contrasts  between  our 
policy,  and  that  of  foreign  nations,  to  evince  the 
imsoundness  and  pernicious  consequences  of 
the  former.  To  one  more  I  request  attention. 

Great  distress  pervades  the  manufacturing 
districts  of  Great  Britain,  in  which  commerce 
largely  partakes.  And  whence  does  it  arise? 
Because  her  merchants  and  manufacturers  can- 
not engross  the  supply  of  the  world;  for  their 
capacity  of  producing  every  article  made  by 
machinery  is  commensurate  with  the  wants  of 
the  whole  human  race;  and,  could  they  find  a 
passage  to  the  moon,  and  open  a  market  there, 
they  would  be  able  to  inundate  it  with  their 
fabrics. 

Their  government,  with  a  fostering  and  pater- 
nal care,  which  by  the  contrast  reflects  dis- 


(    231    ) 

credit  on  ours,  secures  them  the  unlimited 
range  of  the  domestic  market;  and  loses  no  op- 
portunity, by  bounties,  drawbacks,  and  every 
other  means  which  can  be  devised,  to  aid  them 
in  their  efforts  to  engross  our  and  all  other 
markets.  But  the  wisdom  of  the  other  nations 
of  Europe,  guarding  the  industry  of  their  sub- 
jects, excludes  them  from  various  markets 
which  they  were  wont  to  supply — and  baffles 
their  skill  and  sagacity.  The  great  mass  of  their 
surplus  productions  is,  therefore,  disgorged 
on  us,  to  the  destruction  of  our  manufacturers 
and  the  impoverishment  of  the  nation. 

What  a  lamentable  contrast  we  exhibit!  Our 
manufacturers  suffer  equally.  Their  capital  is 
mouldering  away — their  establishments  falling 
to  ruins — themselves  threatened  with  bank- 
ruptcy, and  their  wives  and  children  with  de- 
pendence— their  workmen .  dispersed  and  dri- 
ven to  servile  labour  and  mendicity — and  why? 
Not  because  they  are  excluded  from  foreign 
markets.  They  aspire  to  none.  Their  distress 
arises  from  being  debarred  of  their  home  mar- 
ket, to  which  our  mistaken  policy  invites  all 
the  manufacturers  of  the  earth ! 

Thus,  while  the  British  government  uses  all 
its  energies  to  enable  the  manufacturers  of  that 
nation  to  monopolize  the  markets  of  the  United 
States,  our  government  looks  on  with  perfect  in- 
difference, while  the  ill-fated,  depressed,  and  vili- 


(    232    ) 

fied  American,  defeated  in  the  unequal  struggle 
with  powerful  rivals  and  an  energetic  govern- 
ment, is  bankrupted  or  beggared — or  in  danger 
of  bankruptcy  or  beggary — and  in  vain  invokes 
its  protection!  In  a  word,  the  representatives  of 
the  freest  people  on  the  globe,  have  less  regard 
for,  and  pay  less  attention  to  the  happiness  of, 
their  fellow  citizens,  than  the  monarchs  of  the 
old  world  to  their  subjects! 

Our  citizens  merely  seek  a  portion  of  that 
protection  which  the  most  despotic  monarchs 
in  Europe  afford  their  subjects.  But  they  seek 
in  vain.  Pharaoh  did  not  turn  a  more  deaf  ear 
to  the  applications  of  the  Israelites,  than  congress 
have,  for  five  years,  to  those  of  their  fellow  citi- 
zens who  have  contributed  to  elevate  them  to  the 
honourable  stations  they  occupy — and  who  pay 
their  proportion  for  services  from  the  benefit  of 
which  they  are  in  a  great  measure  precluded. 

What  a  hideous,  what  a  deplorable  contrast ! 
What  a  libel  on  republican  government!  What 
a  triumph  for  the  friends  of  moharchy — for 
those  who  hold  the  appalling  heresy,  to  which 
our  career  affords  some  countenance,  that  man 
was  not  made  for  self-government. 

This  is  so  shocking  a  state  of  things,  that 
with  all  the  evidence  of  the  facts  before  my 
eyes,  I  can  scarcely  allow  myself  to  credit  it! 
Would  to  God,  it  were  not  true — but  alas !  it  is 
a  most  afflicting  reality. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


Encouragement  and  patronage  of  immigrants  by 
England  and  France.  Advantages  of  the  Unit- 
ed States.  Great  numbers  of  immigrants.  Their 
sufferings  Return  of  many  of  them.  Interest- 
ing table. 

SOME  political  economists  have  asserted  that 
the  strength  of  a  nation  consists  in  the  number 
of  its  inhabitants.  This,  without  qualification,  is 
manifestly  erroneous.  A  numerous  population, 
in  a  state  of  wretchedness,  is  rather  a  symp- 
tom of  debility  than  of  strength.  Such  a  popu- 
lation is  ripe  for  treason  and  spoil.  But  a 
dense  population,  usefully  and  profitably  em- 
ployed, and  in  a  state  of  comfort  and  prospe- 
rity, constitutes  the  pride  and  glory  of  a  states- 
man, and  is  the  basis  of  the  power  and  security 
of  nations.  Hence  there  is  scarcely  any  object 
which  the  most  profound  statesmen  and  mo- 
narchs  of  Europe,  have  for  ages  more  uniform- 
ly pursued  than  the  encouragement  of  immi- 
grants possessed  of  useful  talents. 

Under  all  the  governments  of  Europe,  there- 
fore, even  the  most  despotic,  inducements  have 
been  frequently  held  out  to  invite  a  tide  of  po- 

30 


p ulation  of  this  description.  And  the  wealth, 
power,  and  prosperity  of  some  of  the  first  rate 
nations,  date  their  commencement  from  migra- 
tions thus  promoted  and  encouraged.  The  de- 
cay and  decrepitude  of  the  nations  from  which 
the  immigrants  have  removed,  have  been  coeval 
and  proceeded  pari  passu  with  the  prosperity  of 
those  to  which  they  have  migrated. 

The  woollen  manufacture,  the  great  source 
of  the  wealth  and  prosperity  of  England,  owes 
its  introduction  there  to  the  wise  policy  of  Ed- 
ward III.  who  invited  over  Flemish  workmen, 
and  accorded  them  most  important  privileges. 

The  horrible  persecutions  of  D'Alva  in  the 
Netherlands,  and  the  repeal  of  the  edict  of 
Nantz,  in  France,  at  a  more  recent  period  drove 
thousands  of  artists  of  every  kind,  possessed  of 
great  wealth,  and  inestimable  talents,  to  England, 
whence  she  derived  incalculable  advantages. 

Spain,  whose  policy  we  despise,  repeatedly 
encouraged  settlements  of  immigrants  to  esta- 
blish useful  manufactures,  which  had  a  tempo- 
rary success.  But  the  radical  unsoundness  of 
her  system,  and  her  spirit  of  persecution,  blast- 
ed all  these  promising  attempts. 

France,  under  Louis  XIV.  pursued  this  sys- 
tem to  a  greater  extent  than  any  other  na- 
tion. That  king  gave  titles  of  nobility — pensions 
and  immunities,  to  various  artists  and  manufac- 
turers, who  introduced  new  branches  of  indus- 


(    235    ) 

try  into  his  dominions :  and  a  great  portion  of 
the  wealth  which  he  squandered  in  the  splen- 
dor of  his  court,  and  the  ambitious  projects  of 
his  reign,  arose  from  his  protection  of  those 
immigrants,  and  the  manufactures  they  introduc- 
ed. 

If  this  policy  was  wise,  and  had  the  sanction 
of  the  statesmen  of  nations  of  which  the  popu- 
lation was  comparatively  dense,  how  much 
more  forcibly  does  it  apply  to  countries  like 
the  United  States  and  Russia,  of  which  the  popu- 
lation bears  so  small  a  proportion  to  the  ter- 
ritory ! 

No  country  affords  more  room  for  immigrants 
— none  would  derive  more  benefit  from  them — 
none  could  hold  out  so  many  solid  and  substan- 
tial inducements — and  there  is  none  to  which 
the  eyes  and  longings  of  that  active  and  ener- 
getic class  of  men  who  are  disposed  to  seek  fo- 
reign climes  for  the  purpose  of  improving  their 
condition,  are  more  steadily  directed.  We  have 
the  most  valuable  staples — the  greatest  variety 
of  soil,  climate,  and  productions — an  almost  un- 
limited extent  of  territory — and  the  most  slender 
population  in  proportion  to  that  territory,  of  any 
nation  in  the  world,  except  the  Indians,  and 
perhaps  the  wandering  Tartars.  And  had  manu- 
factures, particularly  the  cotton,  woollen  and 
iron,  instead  of  the  paltry  duty  of  five  per  cent, 
been  early  and  decisively  taken  under  the  pro- 


(   236    ) 


tection  of  the  government,  at  its  first  organiza 
tion,  after  the  example  of  other  nations,  there 
is  no  doubt  but  we  should  have  had  a  tide  of 
immigration  beyond  any  that  the  world  has  ever 
witnessed. 

From  the  oppression  and  misery  that  prevail 
in  various  parts  of  Europe — from  the  high  idea 
entertained  of  the  advantages  of  our  form  of 
government — and  from  a  variety  of  other  cir- 
cumstances, it  is  fair  to  presume,  that  had  immi- 
grants been  able  at  once  to  find  employment  at 
the  occupations  to  which  they  were  brought  up, 
we  might  have  had  an  annual  accession  of  30 
or  40,000  beyond  the  numbers  that  have  settled 
among  us.  But  I  shall  only  suppose  20,000. 

To  evince  what  might  have  been,  from  what 
has  taken  place,  I  annex  the  only  two  tables  of 
immigration  I  have  been  able  to  find.  And  let  it 
be  observed  that  the  first  is  necessarily  very  im- 
perfect ;  as  there  was  no  governmental  regula- 
tion to  enforce  the  collection  of  accurate  state- 
ments. 

In  1817,  S£3S40  immigrants  arrived  in  ten 
ports : — 


uza- 


(    337    ) 


18,114 

In  Boston 

2,200 

In  Baltimore     *    - 

1,817 

New  York 

7,634 

Norfolk 

-    520 

Perth  Amboy     - 

637 

Charleston 

747 

Philadelphia     - 

7,085 

Savannah 

163 

Wilmington,  D. 

558 

New  Orleans 

-    879 

18,114 


22,240* 


In  New  York,  from  March  3,  1818,  to  Dec. 
11,  1819,  the  numbers  reported  at  the  mayor's 
office,  were  18,929.t 

18,532 

English  7,539  Portuguese                  -  54 

Irish  6,062  Africans  5 

French  922  Prussians  48 

Welsh             -  -          59O  Sardinians                       -  3 

Scotch  1,942  Danes                             -  97 

Germans         -  -          499  Russians         -         -  13 

Spaniards           -  217  Austrians                   -  8 

Hollanders     -  255  Turk                                 -  1 

Swiss  -      372  Polander  1 

Italians         ...  103  Sandwich  Islanders  2 

Norwegians     -  3  Europeans  not  described  52 

Swedes       -  28  Passengers   do.     do.  113 

18,532  18,929 


The 


mayor  of  New  YorkJ  has  given  a  cal- 

*  Seybert,  29. 

f  Report  of  the  society  for  the  prevention  of  pauperism, 
p.  67. 

J"  The  chief  magistrate  of  this  city  has  calculated  that 
this  number  does  not  include  more  than  two-thirds  of  the 
" 


1  real  number."a 
a  Idem,  p.  2O, 


(  238  ) 

dilation,  that  these  were  but  two-thirds  of  the 
whole  number  that  arrived.  Admitting  this  esti- 
mate, the  whole  number  in  twenty-one  months 
was  about  28,000,  or  16.000  per  annum. 

Twenty-thousand,  which  I  have  assumed,  as 
what  might  have  been  annually  added  to  our 
population  by  a  sound  policy  on  the  subject  of  ma- 
nufactures, >vill  be  regarded  as  probable  on  a  con- 
sideration of  the  preceding  tables — particularly 
that  of  the  enormous  arrivals  in  New  York,  not- 
withstanding a  variety  of  discouraging  circum- 
stances, of  which  the  tendency  was  to  repress 
or  even  to  destroy  the  spirit  of  immigration. 

Among  these,  the  principal  one  has  been  the 
calamities  and  wretchedness  endured  by  most 
of  those  immigrants,  whose  fond  hopes  and  ex- 
pectations were  wholly  blasted  on  their  arrival 
here.  Thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  of  artists, 
mechanics,  and  manufacturers,  with  talents  be- 
yond price,  and  many  of  them  with  handsome 
capitals,  escaped  from  misery  and  oppression  in. 
Europe,  and  fled  to  our  shores  as  a  land  of  pro- 
mise,  where  they  expected  to  find  room  for  the 
exercise  of  their  industry  and  talents.  But  the 
fond  delusion  was  soon  dispelled.  As  soon  as 
they  arrived,  they  sought  employment  at  theix* 
usual  occupations.  None  was  to  be  found. 
Those  whose  whole  fortune  was  their  industry, 
wandered  through  our  streets,  in  search  even  of 
menial  employments,  to  support  a  wretched  ex- 


(    239    ) 

istence.  And  numerous  instances  have  occured, 
of  cotton  weavers  and  clothiers,  as  well  as  per- 
sons of  other  useful  branches,  who  have  sawed 
and  piled  wood  in  our  cities — and  some  of  whom 
have  broken  stones  on  our  turnpikes  for  little 
more  than  a  bare  subsistence.  Many  hundreds 
have  returned  home,  heart-broken,  and  lament- 
ing their  folly,  after  having  exhausted  all  their 
funds  in  the  double  voyage  and  their  inevitable 
expenses.  Their  misfortunes  operate  as  a  beacon 
to  their  countrymen,  to  shun  the  rocks  on  which 
they  have  been  shipwrecked. 

It  is  easy  to  estimate  the  effects  that  must 
have  been  produced  by  the  dismal  tales  in  the 
letters  written  by  those  who  remained,  and  the 
verbal  accounts  of  those  who  returned.  It  is  not 
extravagant  to  suppose  that  every  returned  immi- 
grant prevented  the  immigration  of  twenty  per- 
sons, disposed  to  seek  an  asylum  here.  And  the 
melancholy  letters,  transmitted  by  those  who  had 
no  means  of  returning,  must  have  had  nearly 
equal  influence. 

Many  of  those  who  were  unable  to  return, 
rendered  desperate  by  distress  and  misery,  have 
proved  injurious  to  the  country,  to  which  they 
might  have  produced  the  most  eminent  advan- 
tages. 

I  hazard  an  estimate  of  the  gain  that  might 
have  been  made  by  a  sound  policy,  which  would 
have  encouraged  manufacturing  industry,  and 
promoted  immigration,  to  the  extent  I  have  as- 


(    240    ) 

sumed,  viz.  20,000  additional  per  annum,  since 
the  commencement  of  our  present  form  of  go- 
vernment. 

I  will  suppose  the  value  of  the  productive  la- 
hour  of  each  individual  to  be  only  a  quarter 
of  a  dollar  per  day  beyond  his  subsistence,  which 
for  20,000  would  have  amounted  to  8  1,500,000 
per  annum.  The  whole  number  that  would  have 
arrived  in  the  thirty  years,  would  have  been 
600,000.  The  annexed  table  exhibits  a  result, 
which  petrifies  with  astonishment,  and  sheds  a 
new  and  strong  stream  of  light  on  the  impolicy 
of  our  system. 


JVo.  of  im- 

Value of 

JVo.  of  im- 

Value of 

migrants. 

labour. 

migrants. 

labour. 

180,000,000 

1st  year 

20,000 

%  1,500,000 

16th  do. 

320,000 

24,000,000 

2d    do. 

40,000 

3,000,000 

17th  do. 

340.000 

25,500,000 

3d    do. 

60,000 

4,500,000 

18th  do. 

360,000 

27,000,000 

4th   do. 

80,000 

6,000,000 

19th  do.  - 

380,000 

28,500,000 

5th  do. 

100,000 

7,500,000 

20th  do. 

400,000 

30,000,000 

6th  do. 

120,000 

9,000,000 

21st  do. 

420,000 

31,500,000 

7th   do. 

140,000 

10,500,000 

22d  do. 

440,000 

33,000,000 

8th   do. 

160,000 

12,000,000 

23d  do. 

460,000 

34,500,000 

9th   do. 

180,000 

13,500,000 

24th  do. 

480,000 

36,000,000 

10th  do. 

200,000 

15,000,000 

25th  do. 

500,000 

37,500,000 

llth  do. 

220,000 

16,500,000 

26th  do. 

520,000 

39,000,000 

12th  do. 

240,000 

18,000,000 

27th  do. 

540,000 

40,500,000 

13th  do. 

260,000 

19,500,000 

28th  do. 

560,000 

42,000,000 

14th  do. 

280,000 

21,000,000 

29th  do. 

580,000 

43,500,000 

15th  do. 

300,000 

22,500,000 

30th  do. 

600,000 

45,000,000 

s 

180,000,000 

§  697,500,000 

The  natural  increase  of  the  immigrants  by 
generation,  at  five  per  cent,  per  annum,  would 
make  the  number  amount  to  1,288,000.  Of  the 
addition  I  take  no  account.  I  barely  mention, 
that  an  immigration  of  10.000  annually,  would. 


according  to  this  increase,  have  produced  the 
same  result  as  the  assumed  number  20.000. 

Let  us  then  state  the  results  of  different  num- 
bers:— 

The  labour  of  10,000,  with  the  natural 
increase  of  five  per  cent,  per  annum,  at  a 
quarter  of  a  dollar  per  day,  would  pro- 
duce in  30  years  -  S  697,50O,OOO 


That  of  5,OOO  with  the  same  increase     -     S  348,750,000 


It  is  fair  to  suppose  that  the  articles  pro- 
duced by  them  would  be  worth  double 
the  labour,  or,  in  the  first  case,  -  $  1,395,OOO,OOO 


In  the  secqnd S  697,50O,OOO 


These  immense  advantages  we  blindly  threw 
away,  while  we  were  scuffling  through  the  world 
at  every  point  of  the  com  pass,  and  "  in  every  bay, 
cove,  creek,  and  inlet,"  to  which  we  had  access, 
for  a  precarious  commerce,  which  ruined  the 
great  mass  of  the  merchants  who  pursued  it — 
exposed  our  hardy  seamen  to  stripes  and  hon- 
tlag£ — involved  us  in  unnecessary  collisions  with 
the  bellivserant  powers — and  finally  in  war — and 
entailed  on  us  ahostof  foreign  ministers — a  wast- 
ing navy  that  will  cost  above  3,500,000  doll  rs 
this  year — and  a  debt  of  nearly  80,000,000 
of  dollars  ! 

Other  views  of  the  subject  present  them- 
selves. 


(    242    ) 


Although  a  large  proportion  of  the  immigrants 
who  arrive  in  this  and  other  countries,  are  de- 
pendent on  their  labour  for  support,  yet  many 
capitalists  immigrate ;  and  there  would  be  double 
the  number,  could  they  employ  their  capitals  ad- 
vantageously, I  will  assume  an  average  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  dollars  for  each  immigrant,  in 
money  and  property.  This  would  amount  in  the 
whole  to  3,000,000  dollars  per  annum,  or  in. 
the  whole  thirty  years,  to  90,000,000  of  dollars. 

The  consumption  of  the  productions  of  agri- 
culture by  those  immigrants,  according  to  the 
calculation  in  page  153,  at  the  rate  of  a  quarter 
of  a  dollar  per  day,  would  be  at  present  per 
annum  54,000,000  of  dollars,  and  their  clothing 
at  40  dollars  per  annum,  24,000,000. 

Calculations  have  been  made  of  the  value  to 
a  state  of  an  active,  efficient  individual.  In  Eng- 
land it  was  formerly,  I  believe,  supposed  to  be 
about  tool,  sterling.  I  will  suppose  each  im- 
migrant to  be  worth  three  hundred  dollars — 
this  would  make  the  amount  of  the  600,000  im- 
migrants assumed  above,  8  180,000,000. 

These  calculations  are  all  necessarily  crude — 
and  admit  of  considerable  drawbacks.  But  what- 
ever may  be  the  drawbacks,  sufficient  will  re- 
main to  prove  to  the  world,  that  there  probably 
never  was  a  nation  which  had  so  many  advan- 
tages within  its  grasp — and  never  a  nation  that 
so  wantonly  threw  its  advantages  away. 


(    243    ) 

Summary. 
Suppose  10,OOO  immigrants  annually,  with 

the  natural  increase  of  five  per  cent. 
Amount  of  labour  in  thirty  years        -         g  697,50O,OOO 


Value  of  their  productions  -         -     S  1,395,OOO,OOO 


Amount  of  property  imported  -       S  90,OOO,OOO 


Present  annual  consumption      -  -    S  78,OOO,OOO 

As  this  chapter  drew  to  a  close,  I  met  with  a 
report  made  to  the  house  of  representatives  of 
the  United  States,  on  the  subject  of  immigrants, 
which  deserves  some  notice. 

An  application  was  made  to  congress  by  a 
body  of  Swiss,  for  a  quantity  of  land,  on  more 
advantageous  terms  than  those  on  which  they 
are  sold  by  law.  The  committee,  after  stating 
the  necessity  of  lessening  the  existing  indul- 
gences in  the  sale  of  the  public  lands,  add — 

"  If  the  public  interests  should  ever  justify  a  relaxation 
u  from  them,  it  would  be  in  favour  of  American  citizens :" 

And  recommend  to  the  house  the  following 
resolution — 

"  Resolved,  that  the  prayer  of  the  petitioners  ought  not  to 
"  be  granted. 

So  far  there  is  reason  and  propriety  in  the 
report.  The  terms  on  which  lands  are  sold  by 
the  United  States  are  sufficiently  favourable  for 
foreigners  as  well  as  natives.  But  when  the 


) 

committee  notice  the  depressed  situation  of 
American  manufactures,  and  assign  it  as  a 
reason  against  encouraging  the  immigration  of 
such  a  useful  body  of  men,  possessed  of  invalua- 
ble talents,  it  is  a  full  proof  that  they  did  not 
study  the  subject  profoundly. 

u  In  answer  to  that  part  of  the  petition  which  declares 
"that  one  of  the  principal  objects  is  '  the  domestic  manu- 
"  facture  of  cotton,  wool,  flax,  and  silk  ;'  the  committee  will 
"  only  say,  that  it  may  be  well  considered,  Iww  far  it  -would 
"  comport  "with  sound  policy  to  give  a  premium  for  the  intro- 
"  duction  of  manufacturers,  at  the  moment  rvhen^  by  the  almost 
"  unanimous  declaration  of  our  manufacturers,  it  is  said  they 
"  cannot  live  -without  further  protection." 

A  more  obvious  idea  would  have  been  to  have 
suggested  such  encouragement  of  manufactures, 
as  would  have  relieved  our  citizens  actually  en- 
gaged in  those  branches,  and  held  out  due  in- 
ducements for  accessions  to  our  population 
of  the  sterling  character  of  the  applicants  in 
question. 


ERRATA. 

Page  70,  line  1,  for  man  read  mindt 

86,  line  15,  for  nine,  read  ninety. 
104,  for  and  were  never  reported  on,  read,  and,  except  three  or  four 

never  reported  on. 

113,  line  28,  for  octavo,  read  close  printed. 
126,  line  7,  for  115,544,629,  read  105,544,629. 
The  same  error  is  to  be  found  in  page  133. 
132,  line  8,  for  125  read  130. 
140,  line  9,  for  seven  read  six 
147,  line  penult.,  for  10,000,000  read  9,500,000. 
166,  line  15,  for  16  2-3,  read  14  2-7. 
205,  line  23,  dele  often. 
211,  line  20,  for  sells  the  flour  to  read  sells  to  the  four. 

Some  other  errors  of  minor  importance  have  escaped,  which,  wi 
above,  the  reader  is  requested  to  correct  with  his  pen. 


INDEX. 

Amelia  Island,  story  respecting  the  capture  of,  82. 

Agriculture,  protection  of,  222. 

Appeals  to  congress,  96,  97. 

Allegiance  and  protection  reciprocal  duties,  106. 

American  manufacturers, deplorable  situation  of,  108,  109. 

Advantages  enjoyed  by  farmers  and  planters,  for  thirty  years,  149. 

Average  of  domestic  exports  of  the  United  States,  15T. 

Advance  of  price  of  agricultural  articles,  168. 

Aberdeen,  remarkable  case  of,  174. 

Agriculture  promoted  by  manufactures,  174. 

Advantages  of  the  United  States,  sacrifice  of,  189. 

Anderson,  on  National  Industry,  extracts  from,  174,  18£« 

Bank  of  North  America,  establishment  of,  38. 

Bank  of  the  United  States,  establishment  of,  77. 

Blankets,  Indian,  proposal  respecting,  79. 

Bankruptcy  of  merchants,  cause  of,  205,  208,  210. 

British  navigation  act,  measures  to  counteract  the,  218. 

British  government,  laudable  efforts  of,  230. 

Bankrupt  act,  delay  of  the,  HO. 

Banking  assigned  as  the  cause  of  distress,  135. 

Banks,  forty -one,  incorporated,  136. 

Banks,  capital  authorised,  136. 

Broad  cloth,  price  of,  164— expense  of  making,  166. 

Cotton,  reduction  of  the  price  of,  the  result  of  our  erroneous  po- 
licy, 24. 

Commerce,  decline  of,  inevitable,  24. 

Cast-off  clothes,  importations  of,  34. 

Cottons,  omitted  in  the  tariff',  73. 

Clothing,  immense  importations  of,  74. 

Cotton,  exportation  of,  75. 

Cotton  manufacture,  in  Rhode  Island,  state  of  the,  85. 

Cotton  manufacture  in  the  United  States,  86. 

Contrast,  striking,  224,  227,228,230. 

Commerce, protection  of  by  congress,  213,214,  215,  216. 

Coasting  trade  secured  to  American  merchants,  220. 

Committee  of  commerce  and  manufactures  a  committee  of  oblivion, 
103. 

Congress,  contumelious 'and  unfeeling  conduct  of,  104,  105. 

Contrast  between  the  situation  of  the  American  and  Russian  ma- 
nufacturer, 107. 

Congress,  lamentable  mode  of  proceeding  in,  112,  121, 122. 

Compensation  art,  debate  on,  113. 

Compensation  act,  indecently  hurried  through  congress,  104. 

Consumption  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  158,  159. 

Carrying  trade,  view  of  the,  201,  2(M 

Commerce,  general  reflexions  on.  186. 
.general,  causes  of,  19,  23,  42. 


INDEX. 

Duties  in  Pennsylvania  in  1783,  32. 

Delusion  in  Europe  respecting  the  United  States,  34. 

Distress,  general,  picture  of,  36. 

Duties,  statement  of,  59. 

Double  duties  repealed,  89. 

Dallas's,  Mr.  tariff,  91. 

Duties  on  agricultural  productions,  222. 

D'Alva,  persecutions  of,  234. 

Distress,  intensity  of  the  general,  128. 

Domestic  exports  of  the  United  States,  140. 

Duties,  ad  valorem,  for  1818,  146. 

Dirom,  quotation  from,  152. 

Exaggeration,  remarkable  instance  of,  40. 

Excise,  product  of,  67. 

Exports  of  the  United  States,  25,  70,  84,  191,  197. 

Extra  tonnage  on  foreign  vessels,  216. 

Extravagant  prices  of  productions  of  the  earth,  150. 

Eatables  exported  from  the  United  States,  159. 

Extortion,  calumnious  clamour  against,  161, 162. 

Extortion,  generab  view  of,  170. 

Free  port  established  at  Burlington,  32. 

Facts  are  stubborn  things,  33. 

Federal  constitution,  adoption  of,  47. 

Funding  system,  effects  of,  77. 

Foreign  trade  almost  wholly  secured  to  American  merchants,  220. 

Flesh  meat  consumed  in  Paris,  153. 

Foreign  markets,  fluctuation  of,  172. 

Government,  proper  objects  of,  18. 

Great  Britain,  advantages  of,  57. 

Gerry,  El  bridge,  public  spirit  of,  80. 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  error  of,  81. 

Grain  consumed  in  England  annually,  152. 

Gal  latin's  report,  extract  from,  180. 

Great  Britain,  distress  of,  230. 

Havoc  of  national  wealth  in  five  years,  17. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  Report  of,  63,  64,  65. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  inconsistency  of,  66. 

Huckstering  policy,  91,  92. 

Harmony,  settlement  of,  176, 178. 

Immigrants  returning  to  Europe,  or  going  to  Canada,  21. 

Imports,  immoderate  extent  of,  25,  42. 

Impost  for  1815,  enormous  amount  of,  26. 

Internal  duties,  repeal  of,  26. 

Impolicy,  lamentable  instances  of,  76,  79. 

Indigo  and  rice,  scarcely  worth  cultivation,  223. 

Immigration,  patronage  of  in  England  and  France,  233. 

Immigrants,  tables  of,  237. 

Immigrants,  deplorable  state  of,  238. 

Immigration,  table  illustrative  of  the  advantages  of  encouraging, 

Impost  for  fourteen  years,  145. 

Internal  trade  of  the  United  States,  158. 


INDEX. 

Imports  of  the  United  States,  species  of,  191. 

Imports  of  the  United  States  for  seven  years,  199. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  injurious  effects  of  his  opinion,  53. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  retractation  of,  54. 

King,  Rufus,  motion  of,  respecting  plaster  of  Paris,  217. 

Legal  tenders,  43. 

Law  of  Pennsylvania,  preamble  to  a,  63. 

Louis  XIV.  sound  policy  of,  234. 

Loss  of  industry  in  the  United  States,  131. 

Land,  wonderful  improvement  of,  175. 

Lands  rise  in  value  in  the  neighbourhood  of  manufactories,  181 

Merino  sheep,  destruction  of,  21,  82. 

Massachusetts,  sufferings  of,  37. 

Massachusetts'  treasury,  poverty  of,  38. 

Massachusetts  bank,  incorporated,  40. 

Manufacturers,  hostile  combination  against,  49,  ;"M 

Manufacturers,  memorial  of,  60,  69. 

Manufactures,  wonderful  progress  of,  83. 

Merchants,  estimate  of  the  number  of,  209. 

Morris,  Robert,  member  of  congress  in  1789,  216. 

Manufacturers,  ruin  of  the,  95. 

Missouri  question,  debate  on,  114. 

Manufacturers  of  the  United  States,  numbers  of  the,  151. 

Monopoly  in  favour  of  the  farmers  and  planters,  151,  154. 

Merino  wool,  price  of,  165. 

Merchants,  undue  proportion  of,  206. 

New  York  bank,  incorporation  of,  40. 

North  Carolina  tender  laws,  40. 

Navigation,  profits  of,  200. 

Oneida  memorial,  extracts  from,  102. 

Political  maxims,  18/27. 

Picture  of  the  present  state  of  affairs,  20. 

President's  notice  of  the  state  of  manufactures,  28. 

Paper  money  and  legal  tenders,  37. 

Public  securities,  depreciation  of,  44. 

Prejudices,  pernicious,  51,52. 

Political  economy,  sound  maxims  of,  65. 

Philadelphia,  Manufacturers  employed  in,  87. 

Prejudice,  influence  of,  94. 

Prejudices,  inveterate,  89. 

Partiality,  revolting  instance  of,  214. 

Pl:,st»'!-  of  Paris,  Nova  Scotia  act  respecting,  2 1 7. 

Prohibitory  act,  respecting  British  vessels,  218. 

Policy  of  Edward  111,96. 

Philadelphia  memorial,  extracts  from,  98. 

Pittsburg  memorial,  extracts  from,  99, 100. 

Paper  makers,  curious  case  of.  111. 

Punctilio,  ill-timed  and  unfeeling,  124. 

Prosperity  of  the  United  States,  attempts  to  prove  the,  126. 

elphia,  decay  of  industry  in,  128,  129. 
'  lamentable  state  of,  130,  1 .- 1 . 

Pennsylvania,  calamitous  situation  of,  1 


INDEX. 

Pennsylvania,  advantages  of,  137. 

Philadelphia,  consumption  of,  159, 172.        , 

Productive  industry  sacrificed,  188. 

Protection  of  agriculture,  147. 

Report  of  a  committee  of  congress,  deceptions,  69. 

Raw  materials  consumed  in  the  United  States,  155. 

Secretary  of  the  treasury's  notice  of  manufactures,  28. 

Smith,  Adam,  doctrine  of,  fairly  tested,  35, 45. 

Sessions  of  courts  prevented,  37. 

Shays,  insurrection  of,  37. 

Specie,  drain  of,  41. 

Smuggling,  fears  of,  52. 

Statesmen,  narrow  views  of,  62. 

St.  Domingo,  horrible  scenes  at,  78. 

Secretary  at  war,  proposition  of,  79. 

Soldiers  in  Canada,  perished  for  want  of  comfortable  clothing,  82. 

State  of  the  nation  after  the  war,  88. 

Southern  policy,  errors  of,  93. 

South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  low  state  of,  in  1789, 223. 

Speechifying  an  enormous  evil,  113. 

Seminole  war,  debate  on,  113. 

Signature  of  bills  by  the  president,  date  of  the,  115,  116,  117,  119. 

Speaker  of  the  house  of  representatives,  duty  of,  120. 

Stark,  general,  interesting  case  of,  123. 

Theorists,  infatuation  of,  33,  45. 

Tariff  of  1789,  errors  of,  54,  55,  56. 

Tea,  coffee,  &c.  subject  to  high  duties,  58. 

Taylor,  colonel  John,  remarks  on,  90 

Tariff,  features  of  a  sound  and  pernicious,  54. 

Tariff  of  1804,  remarks  on,  72. 

Tonnage  of  the  United  States,  statement  of  the,  220. 

Tariff,  erroneous  views  of  the,  221. 

Tariff,  existing,  extracts  from,  226. 

Transition  to  a  state  of  peace,  135,  139. 

Taxing  the  many  for  the  benefit  of  the  few,  142,  143,  144. 

Ustariz,  sound  maxims  of,  27. 

United  States,  situation  of,  at  the  close  of  the  revolution,  32,  33, 

34,  35,  36. 

United  States,  advantage  of,  for  immigrants,  235. 
Woollen  goods  omitted  in  the  tariff,  73. 
Wool,  quantity  sheared,  82. 
War  prices,  84. 

Woollen  manufactures  in  the  United  States,  state  of  the,  86. 
Wright,  governor,  violence  of,  90. 
Woollen   manufactures   established  in  England,  by  immigrants 

from  Flanders,  234. 
Washington,  general,  anecdote  of,  119. 


THE  END. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

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